Monthly Archives: November 2009

The Joy of Living: Unlocking the Secret and Science of Happiness – Yongey Mingyur Rinpoche

.
.
.
.
Chapter 5
The Relativity of Perception

    The primordial purity of the ground completely transcends words, concepts, and formulations.

-Jamgon Kongtrul, Myriad Worlds,translated and edited by the International Committee of Kunkhyab Choling

The Definition of emptiness as “infinite possibility” is a basic description of a very complicated term. A subtler meaning, which might have been lost on early translators, implies that whatever arises out of this infinite potential-whether it’s a thought, a word, a planet, or a table-doesn’t truly exist as a “thing” in itself, but is rather the result of numerous causes and conditions. If any of those causes or conditions are changed or removed, a different phenomenon will arise. Like the principles outlined in the second turning of the wheel of Dharma, quantum mechanics tends to describe experience in terms not simply of a single possible chain of events leading to a single result, but rather of probabilities of events and occurrences-which, in an odd way, is closer to the Buddhist understanding of absolute reality, in which a variety of outcomes are theoretically possible.

Interdependence

    Whatever depends on conditions is explained to be empty. . . .

-Sutra Requested by Madropa,
translated by Ari Goldfield

To use a simple example, imagine two different chairs: one that has four sturdy legs and one that has two good legs and two cracked ones. If you sit in the chair that has four good legs, you’ll be very comfortable. Sit in the other one and you’ll end up on the floor. On a superficial level, they can both be said to be “chairs.” But your experience of each “chair” will be unmistakably different because the underlying conditions are not the same.

This coming together of different causes is known, in Buddhist terms, as interdependence. We can see the principle of interdependence at work all the time in the world around us. A seed, for example, carries within itself the potential for growth, but it can only realize its potential-that is, become a tree, a bush, or a vine-under certain conditions. It has to be planted, watered, and given the proper amount of light. Even under the right conditions, whatever grows depends on the kind of seed planted. An apple seed won’t grow into an orange tree, nor will an orange seed become a tree that suddenly sprouts apples. So, even within a seed, the principle of interdependence applies.

Similarly, the choices we make in our daily lives do have a relative effect, setting in motion causes and conditions that create inevitable consequences in the domain of relative reality. Relative choices are like stones tossed in a pond. Even if the stone doesn’t go very far, wherever it falls, concentric ripples will spread out from the area where the stone hits. There’s no way for this not to happen (unless, of course, your aim is really bad and you miss the pond altogether and send a stone sailing through your neighbor’s window, in which case a whole different set of consequences will occur).

In the same way, your ideas about yourself-”I’m not good enough,” “I’m too fat,” or “I made a horrible mistake yesterday”-are based on prior causes and conditions. Maybe you didn’t sleep well the night before. Maybe someone said something you didn’t like earlier in the day. Or maybe you’re just hungry and your body is crying out for vitamins or minerals that it needs to function properly. Something as simple as a lack of water can cause fatigue, headaches, and an inability to concentrate. Any number of things can determine the nature of relative experience without changing the absolute reality of who you are.

When I was being examined by neuroscientists at the laboratory in Wisconsin, I asked a lot of questions about how modern scientists understand perception. Buddhists have their own theories, but I was curious about the Western scientific point of view. What I learned was that from a strictly neuroscientific standpoint any act of perception requires three essential elements: a stimulus-such as a visual form, a sound, a smell, a taste, or something we touch or that touches us; a sensory organ; and a set of neuronal circuits in the brain that organize and make sense of the signals received from the sense organ.

Using visual perception of a banana as an example, the scientists I spoke with explained that the optic nerves-the sensory neurons in the eye-first detect a long yellow curved thing, which maybe has a brown spot at either end. Excited by this stimulus, the neurons start firing off messages to the thalamus, a neuronal structure located at the very center of the brain. The thalamus is something like a central switchboard, like the kind portrayed in old movies, where sensory messages are sorted before being passed to other areas of the brain.

Once the messages from the optic nerves are sorted by the thalamus, they’re sent to the limbic system, the region of the brain chiefly responsible for processing emotional responses and sensations of pain and pleasure. At this point our brains make a sort of immediate judgment on whether the visual stimulus-in this case the long yellow curved thing with brown spots at either end-is a good thing, a bad thing, or something neutral. Like the feeling we sometimes get in the presence of other people, we tend to refer to this immediate response as a “gut reaction,” though it doesn’t occur entirely in the stomach. It’s just a lot easier to use this shorthand description than to go into details like “a stimulation of neurons in the limbic region.”

As this information is processed in the limbic area, it is simultaneously passed “higher up” to the regions of the neocortex, the mainly analytical region of the brain, where it’s organized into patterns-or, more specifically, concepts-that provide the guide or map we use to navigate the everyday world. The neocortex evaluates the pattern and arrives at the conclusion that the object that stimulated our optic nerve cells is, in fact, a banana. And if the neocortex has already created the pattern or concept “banana,” it offers up all sorts of associated details based on past experiences-for example, what a banana tastes like, whether we like the taste or not, and all sorts of other details related to our concept of a banana, all of which enable us to decide how to respond with greater precision to the object we see as a banana.

What I’ve described is just a bare outline of the process of perception. But even a glimpse of the process provides a clue to how even an ordinary object can become a cause of happiness or unhappiness. Once we’ve arrived at the stage where we recognize a banana, we’re really not seeing the original object anymore. Instead, we’re seeing an image of it constructed by the neocortex. And this image is conditioned by a huge variety of factors, including our environment, expectations, and prior experiences, as well as the very structure of our neuronal circuitry. In the brain itself, the sensory processes and all these factors can be said to be interdependent in the sense that they continuously influence one another. Because the neocortex ultimately provides the pattern by which we’re able to recognize, name, and predict the behavior, or “rules,” associated with an object we perceive, it does, in a very profound sense, shape the world for us. In other words, we’re not seeing the absolute reality of the banana, but rather its relative appearance, a mentally constructed image.

To illustrate this point, during the first Mind and Life Institute conference in 1987, Dr. Livingston described a simple experiment that involved presenting a group of research subjects with the letter T, carefully drawn so that both the horizontal and the vertical segments were exactly equal in length. I When asked whether one of the two segments was longer than the other or equal in length, three different responses were given, each based on the subjects’ backgrounds. For example, most of the people who lived or had been raised in mainly flat environments, like the Netherlands, tended to see the horizontal (or flat) segment as longer. By contrast, people living or raised in mountainous environments, and therefore more likely to perceive things in terms of up and down, were overwhelmingly convinced that the vertical segment was longer. Only a small group of subjects was able to recognize the two segments as equal in length.

In strictly biological terms, then, the brain is an active participant in the shaping and conditioning of perception. Although scientists would not deny that there is a “real world” of objects beyond the confines of the body, it’s generally agreed that even though sensory experiences appear to be very direct and immediate, the processes involved are far more subtle and complex than they appear. As Francisco Varela commented later on in the conference, “It’s as if the brain actually makes the world come through in perception.”

The brain’s active role in the process of perception plays a critical part in determining our ordinary state of mind. And this active role opens the possibility for those willing to undertake certain practices of mental training to gradually change long-standing perceptions shaped by years of prior conditioning. Through retraining, the brain can develop new neuronal connections, through which it becomes possible not only to transform existing perceptions but also to move beyond ordinary mental conditions of anxiety, helplessness, and pain and toward a more lasting experience of happiness and peace.

This is good news for anyone who feels trapped in ideas about the way life is. Nothing in your experience-your thoughts, feelings, or sensations-is as fixed and unchangeable as it appears. Your perceptions are only crude approximations of the true nature of things. Actually, the universe in which you live and the universe in your mind form an integrated whole. As explained to me by neuroscientists, physicists, and psychologists, in a bold effort to describe reality in objective, rational terms, modern science has begun to restore in us a sense of the magic and majesty of existence.

Subjects and Objects: A Neuroscientific View

    Dualistic thought is the dynamic energy of mind.

-Jamgon Kongtrul, Creation and Completion,
translated by Sarah Harding

Armed with a bit more information about physics and biology, we can ask some deeper questions about the absolute reality of emptiness and the relative reality of daily experience. For example, if what we perceive is just an image of an object, and the object itself, from the point of view of a physicist, is a whirling mass of tiny particles, then why do we experience something like a table in front of us as solid? How can we see and feel a glass of water on the table? If we drink the water, it seems real and tangible enough. How can that be? If we don’t drink water, we’ll be thirsty. Why?

To begin with, the mind engages in many ways in a process that is known as dzinpa, a Tibetan word that means “grasping.” Dzinpa is the tendency of mind to fixate on objects as inherently real. Buddhist training offers an alternative approach to experiencing life from an essentially fear-based perspective of survival in favor of experiencing it as a parade of odd and wonderful events. The difference can be demonstrated through a simple example. Imagine that I’m holding my mala (a string of prayer beads similar to a rosary) in my hand with m palm turned downward. For this example, the mala represents all the possessions people usually feel they need: a nice car, fine clothes, good food, a well-paying job, a comfortable home, and so on. If I hold my mala tightly, some part of it always seems to escape my grasp and hang outside my hand. If I try to grasp the loose part, a longer bit of the mala falls through my fingers; and if I try to grasp that, an even longer piece slips through. If I continue this process, I’ll eventually lose my grasp on the entire mala. If, however, I turn my palm upward, and allow the mala to simply rest in my open palm, nothing falls through. The beads sit in my hand loosely.

To use another example, imagine you’re sitting in a room full of people looking at a table at the front of the room. Your tendency is to relate to the table as a thing in itself, a completely whole, self-contained object, independent of subjective observation. But a table has a top, legs, sides, a back, and a front. If you remember that it’s made up of these different parts, can you really define it as a singular object?

In their exploration of the “conductor-less” brain, neuroscientists have discovered that the brains of sentient beings have evolved specifically to recognize and respond to patterns. Among the billions of neurons that make up the human brain, some neurons are specifically adapted to detect shapes, while others are dedicated to detecting colors, smells, sounds, movements, and so on. At the same time, our brains are endowed with mechanisms that enable us to extract what neuroscientists call “global,” or pattern like, relationships.

Consider the familiar example of a little group of visual symbols, called emoticons, often used in e-mail messages ::-).This group is easily recognized as a “smiley face,” with two eyes “:,” a nose “-,” and a mouth “).” If, however, these three objects were rearranged as ) – :, the brain wouldn’t recognize a pattern and would merely interpret the shapes as random dots, lines, and curves.

Neuroscientists I’ve spoken with have explained that these pattern recognition mechanisms operate almost simultaneously with the neuronal recognition of shapes, colors, and so on through neuronal synchrony-which, in very simple terms, may be described as a process in which neurons across widely separated areas of the brain spontaneously and instantaneously communicate with one another. For instance, when the shapes ::-) are perceived in this precise formation, the corresponding neurons signal one another in a spontaneous yet precisely coordinated fashion that represents recognition of a specific pattern. When no pattern is perceived, the corresponding neurons signal one another randomly.

This tendency to identify patterns or objects is the clearest biological illustration of dzinpa I have so far encountered. I suspect it evolved as some sort of survival function, since the ability to discriminate among harmful, beneficial, and neutral objects or events would be quite handy! As I’ll explain later on, clinical studies indicate that the practice of meditation extends the mechanism of neuronal synchrony to a point where the perceiver can begin to recognize consciously that his or her mind and the experiences or objects that his or her mind perceives are one and the same. In other words, the practice of meditation over a long period dissolves artificial distinctions between subject and object-which in turn offers the perceiver the freedom to determine the quality of his or her own experience, the freedom to distinguish between what is real and what is merely an appearance.

Dissolving the distinction between subject and object, however, doesn’t mean that perception becomes a great big blur. You still continue to perceive experience in terms of subject and object, while at the same time recognizing that the distinction is essentially conceptual. In other words, the perception of an object is not different from the mind that perceives it.

Because this shift is difficult to grasp intellectually, in order to develop some understanding, it’s necessary to resort once again to the analogy of a dream. In a dream, if you recognize that what you’re experiencing is just a dream, then you also recognize that whatever you experience in the dream is merely occurring in your own mind. Recognizing this, in turn, frees you from the limitations of “dream problems:’ “dream suffering,” or “dream limitations.” The dream still continues, but recognition liberates you from whatever pain or unpleasantness your dream scenarios present. Fear, pain, and suffering are replaced by a sense of almost childlike wonder: “Wow, look what my mind is capable of producing!”

In the same way, in waking life, transcending the distinction between subject and object is equivalent to recognizing that whatever you experience is not separate from the mind that experiences it. Waking life doesn’t stop, but your experience or perception of it shifts from one of limitation to one of wonder and amazement.

Chapter 8
Why Are We Unhappy?
.
.
.
.
Mental Afflictions

    By whom and how were the weapons of hell created?

-Santideva, The Bodhicaryavatara,
translated by Kate Crosby and Andrew Skilton

The conditioning factors are often referred to in Buddhist terms as “mental afflictions:’ or sometimes “poisons.” Although the texts of Buddhist psychology examine a wide range of conditioning factors, all of them agree in identifying three primary afflictions that form the basis of all other factors that inhibit our ability to see things as they really are: ignorance, attachment, and aversion

Ignorance

Ignorance is a fundamental inability to recognize the infinite potential, clarity, and power of our own minds, as if we were looking at the world through colored glass: Whatever we see is disguised or distorted by the colors of the glass. On the most essential level, ignorance distorts the basically open experience of awareness into dualistic distinctions between inherently existing categories of “self’ and “other.”

Ignorance is thus a twofold problem. Once we establish the neuronal habit of identifying ourselves as a single, independently existing “self,” we inevitably start to see whatever is not “self’ as “other.” “Other” can be anything: a table, a banana, another person, or even something this “self’ is thinking or feeling. Everything we experience becomes, in a sense, a stranger. And as we become accustomed to distinguishing between “self’ and “other,” we lock ourselves into a dualistic mode of perception, drawing conceptual boundaries between our “self’ and the rest of the world “out there,” a world that seems so vast that we almost can’t help but begin to think of ourselves as very small, limited, and vulnerable. We begin looking at other people, material objects, and so on as potential sources of happiness and unhappiness, and life becomes a struggle to get what we need in order to be happy before somebody else grabs it.

This struggle is known in Sanskrit as samsara, which literally means “wheel” or “circle.” Specifically, samsara refers to the wheel or circle of unhappiness, a habit of running around in circles, chasing after the same experiences again and again, each time expecting a different result. If you’ve ever watched a dog or a cat chasing its own tail, you’ve seen the essence of samsara. And even though it might be funny to watch an animal chase its tail, it’s not so funny when your own mind does the same thing.

The opposite of samsara is nirvana, a term that is almost as completely misunderstood as emptiness. A Sanskrit word roughly translated as “extinguishing” or “blowing out” (as in the blowing out of the flame of a candle), nirvana is often interpreted as a state of total bliss or happiness, arising from the extinguishing or “blowing out” of the ego or the idea of “self.” This interpretation is accurate to a certain extent, except that it doesn’t take into account that most of us live as embodied beings going about our lives in the relatively real world of moral, ethical, legal, and physical distinctions.

Trying to live in this world without abiding by its relative distinctions would be as foolish and difficult as trying to avoid the consequences of being born right- or left-handed. What would be the point? A more precise interpretation of nirvana is the adoption of a broad perspective that admits all experiences, pleasurable or painful, as aspects of awareness. Naturally, most people would prefer to experience only the “high notes” of happiness. But as a student of mine recently pointed out, eliminating the “low notes” from a Beethoven symphony—or any modern song, for that matter-would result in a pretty cheap and tinny experience.

Samsara and nirvana are perhaps best understood as points of view. Samsara is a point of view based primarily on defining and identifying with experiences as either painful or unpleasant. Nirvana is a fundamentally objective state of mind: an acceptance of experience without judgments, which opens us to the potential for seeing solutions that may not be directly connected to our survival as individuals, but rather to the survival of all sentient beings.

Which brings us to the second of the three primary mental afflictions.

Attachment

The perception of “self’ as separate from “others” is, as discussed earlier, an essentially biological mechanism-an established pattern of neuronal gossip that consistently signals other parts of the nervous system that each of us is a distinct, independently existing creature that needs certain things in order to perpetuate its existence. Because we live in physical bodies, some of these things we need, such as oxygen, food, and water, are truly indispensable. In addition, studies of infant survival that people have discussed with me have shown that survival requires a certain amount of physical nurturing.’ We need to be touched; we need to be spoken to; we need the simple fact of our existence to be acknowledged.

Problems begin, however, when we generalize biologically essential things into areas that have nothing to do with basic survival. In Buddhist terms, this generalization is known as “attachment” or “desire”which, like ignorance, can be seen as having a purely neurological basis.

When we experience something like chocolate, for example, as pleasant, we establish a neuronal connection that equates chocolate with the physical sensation of enjoyment. This is not to say that chocolate in itself is a good or bad thing. There are lots of chemicals in chocolate that create a physical sensation of pleasure. It’s our neuronal attachment to chocolate that creates problems.

Attachment is in many ways comparable to addiction, a compulsive dependency on external objects or experiences to manufacture an illusion of wholeness. Unfortunately, like other addictions, attachment becomes more intense over time. Whatever satisfaction we might experience when we attain something or someone we desire doesn’t last. Whatever or whoever made us happy today, this month, or this year is bound to change. Change is the only constant of relative reality.

The Buddha compared attachment to drinking salt water from an ocean. The more we drink, the thirstier we get. Likewise, when our mind is conditioned by attachment, however much we have, we never really experience contentment. We lose the ability to distinguish between the bare experience of happiness and whatever objects temporarily make us happy. As a result, we not only become dependent on the object, but we also reinforce the neuronal patterns that condition us to rely on an external source to give us happiness.

You can substitute any number of objects for chocolate. For some people, relationships are the key to happiness. When they see someone they think is attractive, they try all kinds of ways to approach him or her. But if they finally manage to become involved with that person, the relationship doesn’t turn out to be as satisfying as they imagined. Why? Because the object of their attachment is not really an external thing. It’s a story spun by the neurons in the brain; and that story unfolds on many different levels, ranging from what they think they might gain from achieving what they desire to what they fear if they fail to get it.

Other people think they’d be really happy if they experienced an extreme stroke of good luck, like winning the lottery. But an interesting study by Philip Brinkman that I heard about from one of my students has shown that people who had recently won a lottery were not that much happier than a control group who hadn’t experienced the excitement of suddenly becoming rich. In fact, after the initial thrill wore off, the people who’d won a lottery reported finding less enjoyment in the everyday pleasures, like chatting with friends, getting compliments, or simply reading a magazine, than people who hadn’t experienced such a major change.

The study reminded me of a story I heard not long ago about an old man who’d bought a ticket for a lottery worth more than a hundred million dollars. A short time after buying the ticket, he developed a heart problem and was sent to the hospital under the care of a doctor who ordered strict bed rest and absolutely forbade anything that would cause undue excitement. While the old man was in the hospital, his ticket actually won the lottery. Since he was in a hospital, of course, the old man didn’t know about his good fortune, but his children and his wife found out and went to the hospital to tell the man the news.

On the way to his hospital room, they met his doctor and told him all about the old man’s good fortune. As soon as they’d finished, the doctor pleaded with them not to say anything just yet. “He might get so excited,” the doctor explained, “that he could die from the strain on his heart.” The man’s wife and children argued with the doctor, believing that the good news would help improve his condition. But in the end they agreed to let the doctor break the news, gently and slowly so as not to cause the man undue excitement.

While the man’s wife and children sat waiting in the hall, the doctor went into his patient’s room. He began by asking the man all sorts of questions about his symptoms, how he was feeling, and so on; and after a while, he asked, very casually, “Have you ever bought a ticket for the lottery?”

The old man replied that, in fact, he had bought a ticket just before coming to the hospital.

“If you won the lottery,” the doctor asked, “how would you feel?”

“Well, if I do, that would be nice. If I don’t, that would be fine, too. I’m an old man and won’t live much longer. Whether I win or not, it doesn’t really matter.”

”You couldn’t really feel that way,” the doctor said, in the manner of someone speaking purely theoretically. “If you won, you’d be really excited, right?”

But the old man replied, “Not really. In fact, I’d be happy to give you half of it if you could find a way to make me feel better.”

The doctor laughed. “Don’t even think about it,” he said. “I was just asking.”

But the patient insisted, “No, I mean it. If I won the lottery, I really would give you half of what I won if you could make me feel better.”

Again, the doctor laughed. “Why don’t you write a letter,” he joked, “saying you’d give me half?”

“Sure, why not?” the old man agreed, reaching over to the table next to his bed and picking up a pad of paper. Slowly, feebly, he wrote out a letter agreeing to give the doctor half of any lottery money he might win, signed it, and handed it to the doctor. When the doctor looked at the letter and the signature, he got so excited over the idea of getting so much money that he fell over dead on the spot.

As soon as the doctor fell, the old man started shouting. Hearing the noise, the man’s wife and children feared that the doctor had been right all along, that the news really had been too exciting, and the old man had died from the strain on his heart. They rushed into the room, only to find the old man sitting up in his bed and the doctor crumpled on the floor. While the nurses and other hospital staff rushed around trying to revive the doctor, the old man’s family quietly told him that he had won the lottery. Much to their surprise, he didn’t seem all that excited about learning that he’d just won millions of dollars, and the news didn’t do him any damage at all. In fact, after a few weeks his condition improved and he was released from the hospital. Certainly he was glad to enjoy his new wealth, but he wasn’t all that attached to it. The doctor, on the other hand, had been so attached to the idea of having so much money, and his excitement was so great, that his heart couldn’t bear the strain and he died.

Aversion

Every strong attachment generates an equally powerful fear that we’ll either fail to get what we want or lose whatever we’ve already gained. This fear, in the language of Buddhism, is known as aversion: a resistance to the inevitable changes that occur as a consequence of the impermanent nature of relative reality.

The notion of a lasting, independently existing self urges us to expend enormous effort in resisting the inevitability of change, making sure that this “self’ remains safe and secure. When we’ve achieved some condition that makes us feel whole and complete, we want everything to stay exactly as it is. The deeper our attachment to whatever provides us with this sense of completeness, the greater our fear of losing it, and the more brutal our pain if we do lose it.

In many ways, aversion is a self-fulfilling prophecy, compelling us to act in ways that practically guarantee that our efforts to attain whatever we think will bring us lasting peace, stability, and contentment will fail. Just think for a moment about how you act around someone to whom you feel a strong attraction. Do you behave like the suave, sophisticated, and self-confident person you’d like the other person to see, or do you suddenly become a tongue-tied goon? If this person talks and laughs with someone else, do you feel hurt or jealous, and betray your pain and jealousy in small or obvious ways? Do you become so fiercely attached to the other person to such a degree that he or she senses your desperation and begins to avoid you?

Aversion reinforces neuronal patterns that generate a mental construct of yourself as limited, weak, and incomplete. Because anything that might undermine the independence of this mentally constructed “self’ is perceived as a threat, you unconsciously expend an enormous amount of energy on the lookout for potential dangers. Adrenaline rips through your body, your heart races, your muscles tense, and your lungs pump like mad. All these sensations are symptoms of stress, which, as I’ve heard from many scientists, can cause a huge variety of problems, including depression, sleeping disorders, digestive problems, rashes, thyroid and kidney malfunctions, high blood pressure, and even high cholesterol.

On a purely emotional level, aversion tends to manifest as anger and even hatred. Instead of recognizing that whatever unhappiness you feel is based on a mentally constructed image, you find it only “natural” to blame other people, external objects, or situations for your pain. When people behave in a way that appears to prevent you from obtaining what you desire, you begin to think of them as untrustworthy or mean, and you’ll go out of your way either to avoid them or strike back at them. In the grip of anger, you see everyone and everything as enemies. As a result, your inner and outer worlds become smaller and smaller. You lose faith in yourself, and reinforce specific neuronal patterns that generate feelings of fear and vulnerability.

Affliction or Opportunity?

    Consider the advantages of this rare human existence.

-Jamgon Kongtrul, The Torch of Certainty,translated by Judith Hanson

It’s easy to think of mental afflictions as defects of character. But that would be a devaluation of ourselves. Our capacity for emotions, for distinguishing between pain and pleasure, and for experiencing “gut responses” has played and continues to play a critical survival function, enabling us almost instantaneously to adapt to subtle changes in the world around us, and to formulate those adaptations consciously so that we can recall them at will and pass them along to succeeding generations.

Such extraordinary sensitivity reinforces one of the most basic lessons taught by the Buddha, which was to consider how precious this human life is, with all its freedoms and opportunities; how difficult it is to obtain such a life; and how easy it is to lose it.

It doesn’t matter whether you believe that human life is a cosmic accident, a karmic lesson, or the work of a divine creator. If you simply pause to consider the huge variety and number of creatures that share the planet with us, compared with the relatively small percentage of human beings, you have to conclude that the chances of being born as a human being are extremely rare. And in demonstrating the extraordinary complexity and sensitivity of the human brain, modern science reminds us how fortunate we are to have been born human, with the very human capacity to feel and to sense the feelings of those around us.

From a Buddhist standpoint, the automatic nature of human emotional tendencies represents an interesting challenge. It doesn’t require a microscope to observe psychological habits; most people don’t have to look any further than their last relationship. They begin by thinking, This time it’s going to be different. A few weeks, months, or years later, they smack their heads, thinking, Oh no, this is. exactly the same type of relationship I was involved in before.

Or you can look at your professional life. You start a new job thinking, This time I’m not going to end up spending hours and hours working late, only to get criticized for not doing enough. Yet three or four months into the job, you find your.self canceling appointments or calling friends to say, “I can’t make dinner tonight. I have too much work to do.”

Despite your best intentions, you find yourself repeating the same patterns while expecting a different result. Many of the people I’ve worked with over the years have talked about how they daydreamed about getting through the week so they could enjoy the weekend. But when the weekend is over, they’re back at their desks for another week, daydreaming about the next weekend. Or they tell me about how they’ve invested enormous time and effort in completing a project, but never allow themselves to experience any sense of accomplishment because they have to start working on the next task on their list. Even when they’re relaxing, they say they’re preoccupied by something that happened the previous week, the previous month, or even the previous year, replaying scenes over and over in their minds, trying to figure out what they could have done to make the outcome more satisfying.

Fortunately, the more familiar we become with examining our minds, the closer we come to finding a solution to whatever problem we might be facing, and the more easily we recognize that whatever we experience attachment, aversion, stress, anxiety, fear, or longing-is simply a fabrication of our own minds.

People who have invested a sincere effort in exploring their inner wealth naturally tend to develop a certain kind of fame, respect, and credibility, regardless of their external circumstances. Their conduct in all kinds of situations inspires in others a profound sense of respect, admiration, and trust. Their success in the world has nothing to do with personal ambition or a craving for attention. It doesn’t come from owning a nice car or a beautiful home, or having an important job title. It stems, rather, from a spacious and relaxed state of well-being, which allows them to see people and situations more clearly, but also to maintain a basic sense of happiness regardless of their personal circumstances.

In fact, we often hear of rich, famous, or otherwise influential people who are one day forced to acknowledge that their achievements haven’t given them the happiness they expected. In spite of their wealth and power, they swim in an ocean of pain, which is sometimes so deep that suicide seems the only escape. Such intense pain results from believing that objects or situations can create lasting happiness.

If you truly want to discover a lasting sense of peace and contentment, you need to learn to rest your mind. Only by resting the mind can its innate qualities be revealed. The simplest way to clear water obscured by mud and other sediments is to allow the water to grow still. In the same way, if you allow the mind to come to rest, ignorance, attachment, aversion, and all other mental afflictions will gradually settle, and the compassion, clarity, and infinite expanse of your mind’s real nature will be revealed.
.
.
.
.
Chapter 13
Compassion: Opening the Heart of the Mind
.
.
.
.
Level One
.
.
.
.
The first step in formal practice is, as usual, to assume a correct posture and allow your mind to rest for a few moments. Then bring to mind someone or something that you don’t like. Don’t judge what you feel. Give yourself complete permission to feel it. Simply letting go of judgments and justifications will let you experience a certain degree of openness and clarity.

The next step is to admit to yourself that whatever you’re feeling anger, resentment, jealousy, or desire-is in itself the source of whatever pain or discomfort you’re experiencing. The object of your feeling isn’t the source of your pain, but rather your own mentally generated response to whomever or whatever you’re focusing on.

For example, you might bring your attention to someone who’s said something to you that sounded cruel, critical, or contemptuous-or even to someone who has told you an outright lie. Then, allow yourself to recognize that all that has occurred is that someone has emitted sounds and you have heard them. If you’ve spent even a little bit of time practicing calm-abiding meditation on sound, this aspect of “exchanging self for others” will probably feel familiar.

At this point, three options are available to you. The first, and most likely, option is to allow yourself to be consumed by anger, guilt, or resentment.

The second (which is very unlikely) is to think, I should have spent more time meditating on sound.

The third option is to imagine yourself as the person who said or did whatever you felt as painful. Ask yourself whether what that person said or did was really motivated by a desire to hurt you, or whether he or she was trying to alleviate his or her own pain or fear.

In many cases, you know the answer already. You may have overheard some talk about the other person’s health or relationship, or some threat to his or her professional standing. But even if you don’t know the specifics of a person’s situation, you’ll know from your own practice of developing compassion for yourself and of extending it toward others that there is only one possible motive behind someone’s behavior: the desire to feel safe or happy. And if people say or do something hurtful, it’s because they don’t feel safe or happy. In other words, they’re scared.

And you know what it’s like to be scared.

Recognizing this about someone else is the essence of exchanging self for others.

Another method of exchanging yourself for others is to choose a “neutral” focus-a person or an animal you may not know directly, but whose suffering you’re somewhat aware of. Your focus could be a child in a foreign country, dying of thirst or hunger, or an animal caught in a steel trap, desperately chewing off its leg to escape. These “neutral” beings experience all kinds of suffering over which they have no control and from which they cannot protect or free themselves. Yet the pain they feel and their desperate desire to free themselves from it are easily understandable, because you share the same basic longing. So, even though you don’t know them, you recognize their state of mind, and experience their pain and fear as your own. I’m willing to bet that extending compassion in this way-toward those you don’t like or those you don’t know-won’t turn you into a boring, lazy old sheep.

Level Two

    May all beings have happiness and the causes of happiness.

-The Four Immeasurables

There’s a particular meditation practice that can help generate immeasurable loving-kindness and compassion. In Tibetan, this practice is called tonglen, which may be translated into English as “sending and taking.”

Tonglen is actually quite an easy practice, requiring only a simple coordination of imagination and breathing. The first step is simply to recognize that as much as you want to achieve happiness and avoid suffering, other beings also feel the same way. There is no need to visualize specific beings, although you may start out with a specific visualization if you find it helpful. Eventually, however, the practice of taking and sending extends beyond those you can imagine to include all sentient beings-including animals, insects, and inhabitants of dimensions you don’t possess the knowledge or capacity to see.

The point, as I was taught, is simply to remember that the universe is filled with an infinite number of beings, and to think, Just as I want happiness, all beings want happiness. Just as I wish to avoid suffering, all beings wish to avoid suffering. I am just one person, while the number of other beings is infinite. The well-being of this infinite number is more important than that of one. And as you allow these thoughts to roll around in your mind, you’ll actually begin to find yourself actively engaged in wishing for others’ freedom from suffering.

Begin by assuming a correct posture and allowing your mind to simply rest for a few moments. Then use your breath to send all your happiness to all sentient beings and absorb their suffering. As you exhale, imagine all the happiness and benefits you’ve acquired during your life pouring out of yourself in the form of pure light that spreads to all beings and dissolves into them, fulfilling all their needs and eliminating their suffering. As soon as you start to breathe out, imagine the light immediately touching all beings, and that by the time you finish exhaling, the light has already dissolved into them. As you inhale, imagine the pain and suffering of all sentient beings as a dark, smoky light being absorbed through your nostrils and dissolving into your heart.

As you continue this practice, imagine that all beings are freed from suffering, and filled with bliss and happiness. After practicing in this way for a few moments, simply allow your mind to rest. Then take up the practice again, alternating between periods of tonglen and resting your mind.

If it helps your visualization, you can sit with your body very straight and rest your hands in loosely closed fists on the tops of your thighs. As you breathe out, open your fingers and slide your hands down your thighs toward your knees while you imagine the light going out toward all beings. As you inhale, slide your hands back up, forming loosely closed fists as through drawing the dark light of others’ suffering and dissolving it into yourself.

The universe is filled with so many different kinds of creatures, it’s impossible even to imagine them all, much less offer direct and immediate help to each and every one. But through the practice of tonglen, you open your mind to infinite creatures and wish for their well-being. The result is that eventually your mind becomes clearer, calmer, more focused and aware, and you develop the capacity to help others in infinite ways, both directly and indirectly.

An old Tibetan folktale illustrates the benefits of developing this sort of all-encompassing compassion. A nomad who spent his days walking across the mountains was constantly pained by the rough and thorny ground because he didn’t have any shoes. Over the course of his travels, he began to collect the skins of dead animals and spread them along the mountain paths, covering the stones and thorns. The problem was that even with great effort, he could only cover several hundred square yards. At last it came to him that if he simply used a few small hides to make himself a pair of shoes, he could walk for thousands of miles without any pain. Simply by covering his feet with leather, he covered the entire earth with leather.

In the same way, if you try to deal with each conflict, each emotion, and each negative thought as it occurs, you’re like the nomad trying to cover the world with leather. If, instead, you work at developing a loving and peaceful mind, you can apply the same solution to every problem in your life.

Level Three

    A person who has . . . awakened the force of genuine compassion will be quite capable of working physically, verbally, and mentally for the welfare of others.

-Jamgon Kongtrul, The Torch of Certainty, translated by Judith Hanson

The practice of bodhicitta-the mind of awakening-may seem almost magical, in the sense that when you choose to deal with other people as if they were already fully enlightened, they tend to respond in a more positive, confident, and peaceful manner than they otherwise might. But really there is nothing magical about the process. You’re simply looking at and acting toward people on the level of their full potential, and they respond to the best of their ability in the same way.

As mentioned earlier, there are two aspects of bodhicitta, absolute and relative. Absolute bodhicitta is the direct insight into the nature of mind. Within absolute bodhicitta, or the absolutely awakened mind, there is no distinction between subject and object, self and other; all sentient beings are spontaneously recognized as perfect manifestations of Buddha nature. Very few people are capable of experiencing absolute bodhicitta right away, however. I certainly wasn’t. Like most people, I needed to train along the more gradual path of relative bodhicitta.

There are several reasons why this path is referred to as “relative.” First, it is related to absolute bodhicitta in the sense that it shares the same goal: the direct experience of Buddha nature, or awakened mind. To use an analogy, absolute bodhicitta is like the top floor of a building, while relative bodhicitta may be compared to the lower floors. All the floors are part of the same building, but each of the lower floors stands in a relative relationship to the top floor. If we want to reach the top floor, we have to pass through all of the lower floors. Second, when we’ve achieved the state of absolute bodhicitta, there is no distinction between sentient beings; every living creature is understood as a perfect manifestation of Buddha nature. In the practice of relative bodhicitta, however, we’re still working within the framework of a relationship between subject and object or self and other. Finally, according to many great teachers, such as Jamgon Kongtrul in his book The Torch of Certainty, development of absolute bodhicitta depends on developing relative bodhicitta.’

Developing relative bodhicitta always involves two aspects: aspiration and application. Aspiration bodhicitta involves cultivating the heartfelt desire to raise all sentient beings to the level at which they recognize their Buddha nature. We begin by thinking, I wish to attain complete awakening in order to help all sentient beings attain the same state. Aspiration bodhicitta focuses on the fruit, or the result, of practice. In this sense, aspiration bodhicitta is like focusing on the goal of carrying everyone to a certain destination-for example, London, Paris, or Washington, D.C. In the case of aspiration bodhicitta, of course, the “destination” is the total awakening of the mind, or absolute bodhicitta. Application bodhicitta-often compared in classic texts to actually taking the steps to arrive at an intended destination focuses on the path of attaining the goal of aspiration bodhicitta: the liberation of all sentient beings from all forms and causes of suffering through recognition of their Buddha nature.

As mentioned, while practicing relative bodhicitta, we’re still caught up in regarding other sentient beings from a slightly dualistic perspective, as if their existence were relative to our own. But when we generate the motivation to lift not only ourselves but all sentient beings to the level of complete recognition of Buddha nature, an odd thing happens: The dualistic perspective of “self’ and “other” begins very gradually to dissolve, and we grow in wisdom and power to help others as well as ourselves.

As an approach to life, cultivating relative bodhicitta is certainly an improvement on the way we ordinarily deal with others, though it does take a certain amount of work. It’s so easy to condemn other people who don’t agree with our own point of view, isn’t it? Most of us do so as easily and unthinkingly as smashing a mosquito, a cockroach, or a fly. The essence of developing relative bodhicitta is to recognize that the desire to squash a bug and the urge to condemn a person who disagrees with us are fundamentally the same. It’s a fight-or-flight response deeply embedded in the reptilian layer of our brains-or, to put it more bluntly, our crocodile nature.

So the first step in developing relative bodhicitta is to decide, “Would I rather be a crocodile or a human being?”

Certainly there are advantages to being a crocodile. Crocodiles are very good at outsmarting their enemies and simply surviving. But they cannot love or experience being loved. They don’t have friends. They can never experience the joys of raising children. They have very little appreciation for art or music. They can’t laugh. And many of them end up as shoes.

If you’ve gotten this far in reading this book, chances are you’re not a crocodile. But you’ve probably met a few people who act like crocodiles. The first step in developing relative bodhicitta is to let go of your distaste for “crocodilelike” people and cultivate some sense of compassion toward them, because they don’t recognize how much of the richness and beauty of life they’re missing. Once you can do that, extending relative bodhicitta toward all sentient beings-including real crocodiles and whatever other living creatures might annoy, frighten, or disgust you-becomes a lot easier. If you just take a moment to think about how much these creatures are missing out on, your heart will almost automatically open up to them.

Actually, aspiration bodhicitta and application bodhicitta are like two sides of the same coin. One can’t exist without the other. Aspiration bodhicitta is the cultivation of an unrestricted readiness to help all living beings achieve a state of complete happiness and freedom from pain and suffering. Whether you’re actually able to free them doesn’t matter. The important thing is your intention. Application bodhicitta involves the activities required to carry out your intention. Practicing one aspect strengthens your ability to cultivate the other.

There are many ways to practice application bodhicitta: for example, trying your best to refrain from stealing, lying, gossiping, and speaking or acting in ways that intentionally cause pain; acting generously toward others; patching up quarrels; speaking gently and calmly rather than “flying off the handle”; and rejoicing in the good things that happen to other people rather than allowing yourself to become overwhelmed by jealousy or envy. Conduct of this sort is a means of extending the experience of meditation into every aspect of daily life.

There is no greater inspiration, no greater courage, than the intention to lead all beings to the perfect freedom and complete well-being of recognizing their true nature. Whether you accomplish this intention isn’t important. The intention alone has such power that as you work with it, your mind will become stronger; your mental afflictions will diminish; you’ll become more skillful in helping other beings; and in so doing, you’ll create the causes and conditions for your own well-being.
.
.
.
.

Why Kids Lie: How Parents Can Encourage Truthfulness – Paul Ekman

Introduction
.
.
.
.
It’s not that everyone always tells the truth, or that we always need to know it. Politeness often requires some fabrication. “That was a delicious meal-I’m just too full for seconds,” says the dinner guest even when the hostess is not a very good cook. “Sorry we can’t make it, just can’t get a baby-sitter,” the neighbors apologize when the real reason is they want to avoid what is expected to be a dull evening. Tact often requires evasion, embroidery, and sometimes saying something that is completely untrue.

The late Professor Erving Goffman, one of the leading American sociologists, saw all of social life as a performance in which we each play the roles required and expected of us. From his perspective, no one really ever tells the truth, and it is not the truth that matters. What matters is that we follow the mostly unwritten rules of social life. I agree with Professor Goffman. Someone may show he or she cares about you by not being truthful, sparing your feelings. Sometimes the untrue message is the one that lets us know what someone is going to do. When I ask my secretary “How are you?” in the morning, I don’t really want to know that she is feeling miserable because she had a terrible fight with her son. I want to know that she is going to be able to do her job well, which she assures me when she lies and says, “Just fine.”

There are exceptions, instances in which someone isn’t just playing out a social role but committing an outright lie, moments when you trusted that you would be told the truth and weren’t. If you knew the person was lying to you, you would act differently, make different plans, evaluate the person differently. What that person gains or loses by lying is not trivial to you or to him. The stakes are usually high. When you discover such a lie, you feel violated. It hurts. It betrays your trust. Professor Goffman called these “bald-faced lies.”

Bald-faced lies betray and corrode closeness. They breed distrust and they can destroy any intimate relationship.
.
.
.
.
Chapter Two
Why Some Kids Lie More Than Others
.
.
.
.
The Machiavellian Lie: Are Liars Manipulators?
.
.
.
.
Most of the research on Machiavellanism (researchers call it “Mach” for short) has studied adults. A few investigators have examined children to see if those who scored high on Mach lied more often or more successfully. The questionnaire identifying the Mach characteristics had to be modified for younger ages, but the content is the same as with adults. Here are examples of a version used with children:

Never tell anyone why you did something unless it will help you. (A Mach answers yes.)

Most people are good and kind. (A Mach answers no.)

The best way to get along with people is to tell them things that make them happy. (A Mach answers yes.)

You should do something only when you are sure it is right. (A Mach answers no.)

It is smartest to believe that all people will be mean if they have a chance. (A Mach answers yes.)

You should always be honest, no matter what. (A Mach answers no.)

Sometimes you have to hurt other people to get what you want. (A Mach answers yes.)

Most people won’t work hard unless you make them do it. (A Mach answers yes.)

It is better to be ordinary and honest than famous and dishonest. (A Mach answers no.)

It is better to tell someone why you want him to help you than to make up a good story to get him to do it. (A Mach answers no.)
.
.
.
.
A Machiavellian approach to life is less prevalent among preadolescents than it is among adolescents and adults, according to some studies. However, some preadolescents do show a manipulative orientation. Commenting on this, Dr. Christie and his collaborator, Dr. Florence Geis, said:

    . . . exposure to the world outside the home leads to the fabled loss of childhood innocence and higher scores on the Mach scale [in some children] . . . Some adults score much lower on the Mach scale than the average ten-year-old and by all known criteria have maintained a trusting faith in their fellow man . . . while we have no systematic data as yet on children under ten, there is anecdotal evidence which suggests that some cherubs are very facile con artists.

These findings raise an important question: What causes some children to be very manipulative? The natural place to look for an answer is in the home, and specifically at the parents. There are two possible explanations. First, the parents might themselves be manipulators, and kids simply learn this behavior. The opposite might also be possible. If the parents are low Mach, their very trustfulness might unwittingly encourage their children to develop manipulative traits, since the parents would be such easy marks. Unfortunately, the evidence is contradictory, as there are two different studies supporting opposite possibilities. Perhaps both can occur.
.
.
.
.

The Moralist – Allen Wheelis

Chapter I
Nihilism

.
.
.
.
Life is the referent of value. What enlarges and enriches life is good; what diminishes and endangers life is evil. We put aside the question of whose life, for upon that reef the ships of Christ himself break asunder. Let us for the moment, our only moment of agreement perhaps, regard life inclusively, and agree that value refers to life. To poison the air is bad; to preserve an atmosphere we can breathe is good; and good and bad here refer only to the effect upon life. For if we conceive a lifeless planet we find no reason to prefer oxygen to methane; there is no better or worse, any old atmosphere will do, or none at all.

Those most concerned with good seek after certainty. More than others they know that designations of good may be arbitrary, may therefore be mistaken, and that mistaken good may prove to be evil, may generate monstrous consequences. And not only certainty do they seek, those persons in quest of the good, but some particularly ultimate and unchallengeable certainty; for they know that arbitrary and mistaken good may appear as self-evident truth, that many such truths have entered unexamined into our convictions, have in time been hallowed by tradition, have woven their patterns through our lives, have become sacraments, have dominated conduct from within, needing no enforcement, and so have held sway over human affairs for age after age of what we now call evil.

Needing such certainty every age achieves it, and every certainty is eventually discredited. Throughout the Middle Ages God vouched for designations of good and evil. With the Modern Age, in a great burst of optimism, we came upon a new method of arriving at certainty, the scientific method, believed that the truths so achieved would endure forever. Newton’s laws became the archetype of such sureness, and we hoped to apply the method which had yielded these presumably immutable laws to the behavior of men and of nations. Gradually this vision has faded, now is lost. The methods of physics do not encompass life, and the behavior of men cannot be reduced to causal formulations. Physical science itself, delving ever more deeply into the finest structure of matter, reaching in our times the tiniest jewels of the great clock, finds not predictability but indeterminacy; and the law of the inverse square, that very model of lawfulness, has had itself to be revised. We live now on the far and ragged edge of the Modern Age. The market for absolute truths, scientific or social, is in shambles. No one buys, not at any price; and moralists, knowing this but believing it nonetheless necessary that designations of good be certain, be derived from principles of unchallengeable and immutable truth, turn away in despair, sail white boats in blue bays, sniff out the clean air, become connoisseurs of wine, cultivate their gardens.

Meanwhile weapons of demonic and upward-leaping potency proliferate everywhere on the blue sphere. The holders of power act, and, without conviction in the principles which once shaped ends, their actions proceed toward whatever ends the means at hand are suited to, and the only value is the efficiency with which we do whatever it is that we do. We have gained systems analysis, lost the knowledge of good and evil.

Remembering our six thousand years of diary-keeping and all the evil therein recorded, all wrought in the name of goodness, we try to console ourselves, to think it better this way, better even that we drift into evil than march resolutely toward some good which as we reach it may transform itself into evil. But we are not consoled. We are lost.

We cannot again believe in certainty, will find no absolute, must indeed make sure we find no absolute, yet must somehow find heart to take up again a concern with what is good, with what is right and what is wrong. We must accept that the most careful designation of good will yet have in it something arbitrary, that the most basic principle we ever utter will yet be fallible, may prove in time false -including this very principle here stated, that we must try, that trying may make a difference.
.
.
.
.
Chapter II
Antithesis of Morality
.
.
.
.
Freedom is not one moral value among many, but the necessary condition for all morality. Without the possibility of acting other than one did or does or might act there is no responsibility, and without responsibility no morality. Freedom derives from choice, and choice in turn from awareness-from a steadily growing consciousness of the world which, reaching eventually a certain extent and intensity, turns back upon itself to include the knower with the known, and in that awareness creates the possibility of acting this way or that. For the existence of options of which we have no awareness confers no freedom. It is only in having the choice, in knowing we can do this or that, that we begin to ask which is better, which is good, which is evil? The genealogy of morals, therefore, goes back to that evolutionary process of gradually extending awareness which reaches, in man, that reflexive intensity which creates the condition for freedom, which freedom in turn then creates the condition for morality.

Chapter III
Goodness and Morality
.
.
.
.
“There is only one thing,” writes Joseph Fletcher, “that is always good and right, intrinsically good regardless of the context, and that one thing is love….Love and justice are the same, for justice is love distributed, nothing else.”

Would that it were true, but the long record of crime in the name of love, all those holy crusades, indicates that love is a poor criterion of justice. Nor has any other good a better claim-not equality, not brotherhood, not even liberty. We must realize, writes F. A. Hayek, that rules of justice are in the nature of prohibitions. “Injustice is really the primary concept and the aim of rules of just conduct is to prevent unjust action. . . . Free men who are allowed to use their own means and their own knowledge for their own purposes must therefore not be subject to rules which tell them what they must positively do, but only to rules which tell them what they must not do. . . . The rules of just conduct thus merely delimit the range of permissible action but do not determine the particular actions a man must take at a particular moment.”

The field of ethical thought is so divided: on the one side love of others, on the other respect for the rights of others. Positive morality is revolutionary, negative morality is judicial; the one is embodied in Rousseau, the other in Hume. Positive morality dictates our purposes; negative morality leaves purposes for us to determine, but sets limits which guard the freedom of others to pursue their purposes, limits which our purposes, whether selfish or unselfish, are not permitted to exceed. The one asserts love and tends to be religious, the other asserts justice and tends to be secular. The one appeals to compassion, the other to fair play. Positive morality is proud, believes great things may be achieved, raises banners, sets out on crusades; negative morality is modest, believes some things may be achieved but never a radical cure, is unmoved by banners, declines crusades. One is a striving to achieve, one a taking pains to avoid. We have a spontaneous preference for the positive, and the greater our generosity and warmheartedness the stronger this preference; the negative settles on us as a dismal fog. The one appeals to our creativity, our trust in the heart, our willingness to risk, our hope to transcend ourselves and merge with others; the other appeals to our cautiousness, our trust in law, our separateness.

The illusion in this dilemma is that these two good things, love and justice, contend for the same prize, the supreme right to guide our lives; and the key to the conflict is the recognition that they serve different goals, are complementary, depend upon each other, are equally necessary. We are confused by using one word, morality, ‘for both; for clearly we cannot have two moralities. Pious Sundays followed by rapacious weekdays, soldiers who are good boys at home but murderers of unarmed civilians in foreign jungles-this is just what morality is meant to prevent. The two good things need different names: positive morality is simply goodness, negative morality is simply morality.

Goodness and morality are equally necessary to human life. Goodness without morality is dangerous in the extreme; morality without goodness is sterile. Both derive
from our ability to see ourselves in others; but from this primary identification they develop along different lines: one leads to love and thence to goodness, one to respect and thence to morality. Goodness is spontaneous, generous, outgoing, is marked by compassion, empathy, unselfishness, at times by self-sacrifice, is symbolized by Christ who said: “This is my commandment, that ye love one another, as I have loved you. Greater love hath no man than this, that a man lay down his life for his friends.” Morality is reflective, judicial, marked by the recognition of limits which define our freedom. This freedom is limited and precious, has been hard won, and we will not give it up, would die to uphold it. A free man is not a slave who has escaped his master; such a man is but a runaway slave who may be caught and returned to servitude. A free man, though he may be overpowered, may be killed, cannot be reduced to servitude; something in him asserts freedom as an inviolable right. It is not negotiable. He does not ask that others respect this right, he requires it; and it is ultimately his willingness to die for this freedom which forms the basis of his demand that others respect it.

Mankind enters history as free men and as slaves. As far back as we can see, this division has never been absent, remains with us today. There was a time we cannot remember when manlike creatures wandered the earth in a state of nature. They did not live alone but in groups, and unlike other animals who fought each other and parted, they fought each other and killed. Those who were weak, or were unwilling to kill, perished; those who were both strong and willing to kill survived, and spared some of the weak who would accept servitude, and so began the condition of master and the condition of slave.

It is not to those ancient masters that we owe the beginnings of morality, but to those ancient slaves. Masters then as now are content with the way things are; it is slaves who make for change. Nietzsche was right, Christianity is a slave morality; but there is no other kind. All morality goes back to that rebellion with which the condition of servitude is refused. The runaway slave simply escapes, but rebellion asserts a value with which morality begins.

It is in rebellion we see most clearly that primary ability to recognize ourselves in others which is the common source of both goodness and morality. The slave who runs away runs for himself alone, but the slave who stands up against his master rebels for all. The rebel has recognized a brotherhood with those beside him who bear the same chains, suffer the same lash. He knows he will die but finds courage to rebel because he acts in the name of all. He attacks the privilege of a few by authority of a right he ascribes to all. So the beginnings of goodness lead to that solidarity with others which makes possible the rebellion which creates the beginnings of morality, which in turn supports goodness, which provides then the basis for further rebellion. Behind us millions have hung from crosses, died in dungeons; our bones must ache for those whose bones were broken on the wheel.

A good man may be immoral. We must gram that those missionaries who sanctioned the murder of savages, those bishops who decreed the burning of witches, were good men, wanting to save those about to be damned, to bestow true faith, to give great gifts. Many of them, like Christ, gave up their own lives to such unselfish ends. They were nevertheless immoral in that they did not respect the rights of those who believed otherwise. An immoral man, likewise, may be good. The essence of the rights protected by morality is that they are rights, not privilege, that they may not therefore be either bestowed or withheld. Robin Hood is immoral in not acknowledging for the rich those rights which belong to all, yet good in the generosity and selflessness with which he distributes spoils to the poor. There is no motive, not even the most selfish, with which morality necessarily conflicts; and there is no motive, not even the most holy, with which conflict is not possible.

Morality is not a motivation but a limit; not endeavor or process or purpose, but a wall. It is not meant to make anything happen, but to prevent certain kinds of things from ever happening. To inquire of a person, “Is his life determined by selfishness or by morality?” makes no sense; for it ascribes alternativity to traits which, though either may be present without the other, may yet both be present or both absent. When we know of a person that he is selfish we still do not know whether he is moral. He is moral if, in those circumstances in which his selfish impulses conflict with the rights of others, those rights, installed in his own conscience as prohibitions, constitute a barrier which confines the behavior to which selfishness impels him within limits which protect others. Of such a person we may say, “He is moral” without diminishing the force with which we may say, also, “. . . and utterly selfish.” We need not admire him, would not have him as a friend, yet must respect his morality; it protects us from his unfortunate nature.

Likewise, when we know of a person that he is of loving and generous disposition, one who though himself hungry gives us his last bit of food, who would lose his life to save ours, we still do not know whether he is moral. He is moral if his loving impulses are reliably confined within limits which protect the rights of others, immoral if he believes that the goodness of his goals, the sincerity and the selflessness with which he pursues them, gives him license to violate those limits. A pure heart guarantees nothing, may sorrowfully send legions of heretics to the stake. To know the good is a dangerous thing; to know it for sure is usually fatal for somebody.

Morality is designed to secure the greatest possible freedom for everyone compatible with the restraints necessary for group life. It is not enthusiastic about human nature: although it knows the nobility and generosity of which we are capable, it knows even better our capacity for evil, addresses itself to that evil, builds a structure to contain it. It is concerned but indirectly with good, holds that if evil is controlled, goodness will have its best chance to flourish. A moral man is he who observes those rules of just conduct which have been defined by the traditions and the laws of the society to which he belongs. When we are so fortunate as to see a man risk his life to save a stranger, we do him and his gallantry a disservice to call it moral. It is an act of nobility and goodness, whereas morality is a structure of restraint.

These considerations apply in exact parallel to the behavior of nations. A nation may follow a policy of self-interest and yet, by virtue of respecting the rights of other nations, be moral; and a nation may sacrifice self-interest to help other nations and yet, if it does not respect those rights, be immoral.
.
.
.
.
Chapter V
Force and Authority
.
.
.
.
Authority derives from principle, force issues from the muzzle of a gun.
.
.
.
.
In one decade the crime rate in America has doubled. Not because the force available to prevent it has been reduced; for such force has everywhere been increased. Force prevents crime when the police car cruises within sight, whereas authority, when it is present in the social order, installs itself in some measure in the heart of each individual. All of us, potentially, are criminals; we do not become actual criminals because this social authority operates within us. As this authority, embodied in political leaders and in social and governmental institutions, diminishes, the balance within us is upset; and some of us, who required that external reinforcement of internal prohibition for moral restraint, begin to act on impulse, to serve our own interest, to be accountable to no one.

As we have lost authority more rapidly than we have been willing to increase force, crime increases and order is progressively lost. If we greatly increase force-engage more police, suspend civil rights, execute felons on sight -we may regain Order, perhaps such order as prevailed in Germany in 1938, even as the erosion of authority continues. Is this the way we must go?

Or can we yet find some way to regain authority in social life? Since authority rests on principle, such a quest is moral, places the good above the expedient, may require us to choose a course of action we believe right over one which seems better suited to national security.
.
.
.
.
Chapter VI
We and They
.
.
.
.
If humanism refers to human nature it is a questionable standard of excellence; for our nature, with all its glories and triumphs of spirit, is marked by viciousness. If, on the other hand, humanism refers selectively to the loving, the creative, and the nurturing aspects of our nature, the doctrine is misnamed; for in that event it looks forward not to the preservation of man but to his evolution into something different from any humanity yet known to this planet.

After us, it is grimly said, come the roaches. Well? And why would that be bad? Because, it might be argued, if we are to have values at all we must make a stand somewhere, and the most logical place to locate the good is in that evolutionary progression toward greater awareness of which man occupies the furthermost point. Yet even so, such a temporary setback to this process as the disappearance of man on earth might conceivably serve a later and greater advance.

Birds, reptiles, insects have come to the end of the road, have achieved such physical specialization that they can no longer make significant change in response to an altered environment, in a changed world would perish. Even the apes have reached such a point, so adapted to tree life that were trees to disappear the apes would go too. The genius of man-which makes him lord and possessor of the universe, we are told-is to have avoided this dead end. So we survived the ice age, the black death, and so we will survive the end of trees, or anything else. Because we think, adapt by thought rather than physical configuration, evolve culturally. But specialization cannot see itself. The special feature of man is indeed the ability to think and to communicate; and one of the things we can think is whence comes the energy of the sun, and one of the things we have learned is how to create it. And another thing we can think is; “Better destroy the Russians because they are preparing to destroy us.” And the ability to think such things and persuasively to communicate them may prove, like the giantism of the dinosaur, the fatal specialization of man.

Where draw the line? Where find a limit for identification that escapes the arbitrary? That’s too much to ask, we’d settle for less: Where find a limit that diminishes even a bit the arbitrariness of the lines we draw, the limits we set? Is there any principle to guide the trajectory of identifications, to bring them to rest at a point which, though still fallibly arrived at, is less arbitrary than any other point?

Though we may never know how far community should extend, we know a limit beyond which it cannot go. In the tenth century there could have been no community of Incas and Europeans, for these peoples were unaware of each other’s existence, had not the possibility of contact, interaction, understanding. Likewise we cannot now, even if we should so wish, act in the interest of unknown forms of life in unknown regions of the universe.

The rational extent of community is the range of cooperation. If a man in a grass hut in Bombay prints a piece of silk with brilliant dyes, and if after many intermediate steps it comes about that I buy that silk and wear it around my neck, then I and that Indian are related by cooperative endeavor, and it must be my concern that he receives something in exchange, and, if he and his family are starving, their fate must lie on my heart, impel me to reach him with help without being halted at a border by considerations of national interest.

The growth of awareness and cooperation and relatedness proceeds ever outward, embraces greater variety, covers greater distance, longer time. This is the line of evolutionary development: knowledge and awareness expand. As the world that we know is larger than that of an earthworm, so the world of creatures yet to come may exceed our own. The limits of identification should correspond to the limits of understanding. They can be no greater; perhaps we should not permit them to be less. The understanding of man need not pause at national boundaries, reaches on to all mankind, and perhaps a bit further-to banyan trees, to the great blue whale, and the wild honking goose.

The organization of mankind into ever larger aggregates is the basis for gains both in goodness and in evil. Wherever we find moral progress, if we reduce it to the conditions from which it developed, we find the coalescence of peoples. And wherever we find growth of evil, an expanding magnitude of cruelty and destruction-and we find it everywhere-and reduce it to the conditions from which it arose, we arrive at the same process.

What kind of Hegelian joke have we concocted? Good and evil comprised of the same ingredients, derived from the same recipe! It’s true. And this is reason neither for despair nor for optimism, means only that the issue is open and uncertain. We may arrive at a world state or at no world at all. We may, if we must, so conceive the world that everything becomes rational. Hegel and Marx so conceived it; indeed all of us in the Modern Age, with our vision of mechanism, have imposed reason on the weather of our days. But we can’t have it for nothing, so had better be honest about the price: make everything rational and lose freedom; or, secure freedom and lose hope of justifying history as the working out of a rational plan.

Theodicy is theidiocy, and in our time theodicists have become theoddest of us all.

Chapter VII
Jungle and Community

Human society may be seen with equal ease as a jungle or as a community. Those who see a jungle call themselves realists. They observe that our pieties are masks for selfishness, that hard on the heels of the missionary comes the soldier, that as we go about the world proclaiming love and brotherhood we do business as usual, and that the usual business of mankind is exploitation and murder. Ask any U.S. Marine about the proud motto of his Corps, Semper Fidelis, and you will find he understands Latin perfectly: “Fuck you, buddy! I’ve got mine, now you get yours.” Anyone who doesn’t accept this translation is a “sucker.” Such realists see community, also, but see it as a false front, regard those who take it seriously as wishful thinkers. They make a cogent case; for in even the best-ordered society there is so much of dog-eat-dog that over Wall Street, over the Bourse, over the temples and palaces of the world, arises the very smell of jungle.

Those who see community feel that it is they who are the realists, that those who see only jungle are blind to the facts of community, and so inadvertently augment the quality of jungle. They see jungle, too, but see through it, they feel, to the underlying realities of social life. And they, too, make a cogent case; for in even the most disturbed and violent society there is still much of cooperation and mutual concern, and it is a matter of common record that many a Marine has turned back into a rain of Machine-gun fire to pick up a wounded comrade.

Both are true; neither view can exclude the other. In the behavior of ants we may believe we see pure community, and in a pack of wolves crazed by blood and turning upon each other, we may recognize pure jungle; but such unmixed states, if they exist at all, must be rare. Wherever we look at human affairs we see both.

They contend with each other, and either may increase at the expense of the other. In Germany in the first months of 1945 the jungle all but obliterates community. For years it has been a land of murder, of locked trains carrying millions to factories of death. Now as the German armies begin to collapse, as Allied bombing destroys German cities and industries at an ever-increasing pace, a further and more rapid breakdown of community occurs. German people turn upon each other in frenzied destruction. The People’s Court makes a mockery of justice, a circus for the amusement of the masses, as even the relatives and friends of the July 1944 conspirators are strangled in public ceremony. I Soldiers are warned that even the families of deserters will be shot, people who hoard food are shot, people who spread rumors are shot, people found on roadways without papers are shot, those who change address without notifying the proper authorities are shot. Between the shifting boundaries of the two armies bands of slaves who have broken free roam about ravaging deserted townships, taking vengeance on any civilians who remain. The structure of civilization falls away into rubble.

Yet even in this extremity of social disorganization there remained aspects of community: some telephone exchanges still worked, some public utilities provided service, some army units functioned as groups, some factories produced goods.
.
.
.
.
No Constitution guarantees freedom, nor Bill of Rights, nor Writ of Habeas Corpus; all may be suspended in time of crisis, as they were for Americans of Japanese ancestry during World War II. Freedom does not rest secure upon law, but requires a living tradition. “Institutions are always ambivalent,” writes Karl Popper, “in the sense that, in the absence of a strong tradition, they also may serve the opposite purpose to the one intended. . . . All laws, being universal principles, have to be interpreted in order to be applied; and an interpretation needs some principles of concrete practice, which can be supplied only by a living tradition. . . . Among the traditions we must count as the most important is what we may call the ‘moral framework’ . . . of a society. This incorporates the society’s traditional sense of justice or fairness, or the degree of moral sensitivity it has reached. This moral framework serves as the basis which makes it possible to reach a fair or equitable compromise between conflicting interests where this is necessary. It is, of course, itself not unchangeable, but it changes comparatively slowly. Nothing is more dangerous than the destruction of this traditional framework.”

Nature is amoral, morality is unnatural. Our lives are meridian to these poles. Love and hate, nurture and murder, they spring from our nature with equal authenticity. But nature no longer leads, authenticates nothing. We say love is right and hate is wrong, and so leave nature, struggle toward a moral order.

We live in a jungle and we live in a community. He who would assert either to the exclusion of the other will find ample evidence for the realm of his choice. We know both, but assert that the way of love, of community, of caring for one’s neighbor is right, and that the way of the jungle is wrong. No one leads us. We stand aside from nature, seek a god in the image of what we arbitrarily designate as our better selves.

Chapter VIII
Hierarchy
.
.
.
.
Who is responsible for collective wrongdoing? Who should be punished for My-Lai? Shall we say that the right and wrong of conduct necessarily refer to human beings in their separateness, to persons who are guided, or who decline to be guided, by conscience? If so we will seek out those persons who committed the crime and those persons who had authority to stop it and did not. Or shall we say that responsibility for group action must be borne by the group as a whole, cannot be meted out to individuals in quantities proportional to the directness of their involvement?

We cannot, and need not, choose between these points of view. They do not contend, but refer to entities existing at different levels. The two levels are equally real. The responsibility for My-Lai is not partly individual and partly social; it is altogether individual and altogether social. One does not cease to be an individual, with individual insight and freedom and authority, just because one is engaged in group action. The collective guilt of the army or of the nation does not render innocent the soldier who shoots down unarmed women and children, whether or not he is so ordered. But neither does the guilt of individuals exonerate the group. Collective action depends upon collective effort and collective will; marauding armies abroad depend upon support from home; and responsibility for what these armies do must be borne by the nation.

England judges the actions of Nazi Germany as evil, decides that the right action for England is war. This decision must be judged-if it can be judged at all-in the context of rules of just conduct governing the behavior of nation with nation. If, being so judged, it is found to be just, and if the proper pursuit of this war requires the destruction of cities-including women and children, the aged and the ill, even those who oppose German policy, babes in arm who have neither insight nor freedom then such destruction is right, for the reason that German guilt is collective. England acts as moral entity against Germany as a moral entity: each knows the nature of its action, each has freedom, each is accountable. That the innocent perish is a pity, but is irrelevant to the moral problem, is indeed comparable to the observation that when the murderer is executed, his eye and his ear perish too. Though we may not ascribe guilt to these parts, neither may we ascribe innocence: neither is applicable, both are irrelevant. The moral agent in the case of individual crime is the whole man who plans and executes the murder; the moral agent in the case of war is the whole nation. By this view, England becomes guilty of wrong action in its conduct of a just war only if it destroys cities the destruction of which is unnecessary to the proper pursuit of the war.

But then who is to say, in war, what destruction is necessary? The victor rules. Dresden and Hiroshima were necessary; Rotterdam and Coventry were crimes against humanity.
.
.
.
.
Chapter IX
The Meta-Conscious

We are more, than we know. Freud taught’ us this so thoroughly that no one any longer can doubt it. We are only just now, however, beginning to learn, further, that we are more than we can know. More than we can know ever. More both as individuals and as groups. More in principle, and so must live with an ignorance which is irreducible by any gain in knowing. More, not in the sense of unconscious or repressed, of something pushed aside or passed by, but in the opposite sense of something which goes before us, draws us forward, determines the configurations of our awareness but which is itself beyond the reach of awareness.

We have to be something before we can know anything. And when we have become something that can know something, the something we can know is less than the something we have become. When the knower studies knowing, the most he can learn is less than he knows. A rule of mental operation is not to be created by design, is not something that mind does, but something that mind is, one of the processes that constitute mind, and so determines those other things that mind can create. Rules of just conduct are not something we make, but something within us, already made, which we discover.

No computer can design another computer as complex as itself. If we imagine a succession of computers, each generation designed by its precursor, we see a degenerating sequence-electronic circuits becoming mechanical, thinking machines becoming adding machines, tasks assignable becoming ever more simple, keys sounding ever more faintly, then sounding not at all. Yet each generation of mankind creates another generation as complex as itself. And a bit more; for when we take a longer view it is clear that life does more than replace itself: it achieves a progression in complexity, in awareness, in knowing. But we do not achieve this with only what we know. Each generation in creating its successor uses and transmits as best it can what it knows, the accumulated store of a thousand generations, but uses much more, uses meta-conscious patterns which cannot even in principle be encompassed in awareness. For had we to replace ourselves with but what we know and can specify, we could not make a single human being, would leave the earth to a progeny of sophisticated robots which, as they in turn reproduced themselves, would rapidly become less sophisticated, and soon vanish utterly.

No one has seen this more clearly than F. A. Hayek. “We always know,” he writes, “not only more than we can deliberately state but also more than we can be aware of or deliberately test; and . . . much that we successfully do depends on presuppositions which are outside the range of what we can either state or reflect upon.” 1 This vision must alter our concept of man.

Christianity created an image of man as innately bad. For many hundreds of years, to understand man was to recognize his fallen state, to accept original sin, to feel guilt, and under priestly supervision to do penance, trying to be good, failing, confessing, trying again with contrite heart, failing always, until at last, weary and broken, we fall into the arms of our Father who, moved by Christ’s sacrifice, forgives us.

The Enlightenment destroyed this view. Man is innately good and reasonable, becomes bad only through the influence of bad institutions. Our task is to reshape these shaping institutions. This vision of man generated a wave of hope and optimism greater perhaps than the world had ever known. Original sin was replaced by original goodness and with it man began to design a good world by the use of reason. Hebert and Chaumette instituted the worship of reason as a new religion. God was banished and his institutions abolished. A Feast of Reason was celebrated in Notre Dame, a pretty actress taking the role of the Goddess of Reason. But the Revolution brought, not paradise, but Terror-Robespierre suspected treachery, Chaumette to save himself renounced Hebert, Robespierre beheaded them both, was then himself beheaded-and from .the Terror came Napoleon, and all over Europe men were dying on battlefields.

But the ideology of revolution was not spent, was just beginning. In 1848 there was another wave, another attempt to build a good society by the blueprints of reason. Marx mocked the new regime with the slogan of 1789: “Liberty, Equality, Fraternity . . . what this republic really means is Infantry, Cavalry, Artillery. . . .” but did not mock as a cynic, was still dreaming Rousseau’s dream, still believing it possible to build the good society by conscious design, still confident he knew the way. And eventually he had his chance: the blueprints were let out and Russia returned the lowest bid; and though the architect didn’t live to see it, master-builder Lenin followed the plan. The world has watched now for fifty years but has seen no good society; and most of us, were we forced to choose, would sooner take our chances in the police state of the Czars than in the police state of the commissars.

In this century, in a mood of deepening disillusionment, we have come to feel that man has no nature, good or bad, but is infinitely plastic. We are what we do, and may do as we choose. We cannot look within for guidance, cannot be true to ourselves because our selves have no fixed design but are shaped by what we do; and there is nothing anywhere, neither God up there nor identity within, that can with authority tell us what to do. Our freedom is more radical and more dangerous than ever before.

This is the age of 1984. Everything is permitted. We may become devils or gods. The heroes of one war are the cowards of the next, and the nation which is friend to its neighbor in one generation may come in the next as conqueror. We are what we do, and those who hold power, who control the ever more sophisticated and effective media, can persuade the rest of us to do whatever they wish us to do, even perhaps to believe it is we who are so wishing. Man has no nature, writes Ortega y Gasset, only history.

Now this vision, too, is fading. Our time of arrogance is coming to an end. We cannot go back, cannot believe again in a fixed human nature, good or bad, but are learning to accept a fundamental ignorance. Not an ignorance to be conquered by more knowing, but one which will recede forever before our ever longer cognitive reach, recede and grow larger, never even in principle to be eliminated. It is true we are what we do, and true we can do as we choose, but always we do and choose more than we know, achieve more than we intend. Luther nails his demands on the door at Wittenberg with a clear sense of choice, of taking a stand; and the freedom is no illusion, is real-for he might have chosen otherwise, and in no sense can his act be necessarily derived from any antecedent state-yet in so choosing he makes reference to more than he can know, and achieves more than he wills. Our lives rest on foundations unknown and unknowable. Our ignorance is structural and necessary.

Those persons most intoxicated by the growth of knowledge, writes Hayek, are those most likely to become the enemies of freedom. For they conceive each gain in knowing as diminishing ignorance in corresponding degree, and imagine that because our gains in knowing have been so enormous in recent decades our ignorance may now be assumed to have shrunk to insignificant size. It must be time then to use our knowledge in the deliberate reorganization of society according to rational plan. Some resistance, they admit, may still be encountered from the uninformed and the reactionary; so an increase in coercion may for a time be necessary, perhaps for a generation or two, but is justified by the greater freedom and equality eventually to be realized.

But ignorance bears no such reciprocal relation to knowledge. The relation is direct, ignorance growing in the same measure as knowledge.
.
.
.
.

The Quest for Identity – Allen Wheelis

Chapter I
Evolution of Social Character
.
.
.
.
Identity is a coherent sense of self. It depends upon die awareness that one’s endeavors and one’s life make sense, that they are meaningful in the context in which life is lived. It depends also upon stable values, and upon the conviction that one’s actions and values are harmoniously related. It is a sense of wholeness, of integration, of knowing what is right and what is wrong and of being able to choose.

During the past fifty years there has been a change in the experienced quality of life, with the result that identity is now harder to achieve and harder to maintain. The formerly dedicated Marxist who now is unsure of everything; the Christian who loses his faith; the workman who comes to feel that his work is piecemeal and meaningless; the scientist who decides that science is futile, that the fate of the world will be determined by power politics-such persons are of our time, and they suffer the loss or impairment of identity.

Identity can survive major conflict provided the supporting framework of life is stable, but not when that framework is lost. One cannot exert leverage except from a fixed point. Putting one’s shoulder to the wheel presupposes a patch of solid ground to stand on. Many persons these days find no firm footing; and if everything is open to question, no question can be answered. The past half century has encompassed enormous gains in understanding and in mastery; but many of the old fixed points of reference have been lost, and have not been replaced.
.
.
.
.
Chapter III
Character Change and Cultural Change

Culture and Social Character

It is generally believed that our changing social character is symptomatic of crisis, that there was a period in the past-the Victorian period, for example-in which character was stable, and that there will be a corresponding period in the future in which society will have emerged from its present chaos, when stable traditions will again foster a stable character. The troubles which seem most crucial to an observer of any period are the troubles of his present; those receding into the past he views with detachment. The biggest wave is the one now striking the ship; toward the horizon, ahead or astern, the sea is level. And so our present, with its troubles and uncertainties, is seen as a temporary and perilous transition.

This belief will not bear scrutiny. Clearly character cannot remain fixed while the conditions of life change. And clearly the conditions of life have always been changing. Any culture tends to produce in individuals that social character which is fitted for survival in that culture; and as a culture evolves, an evolution in the prevailing character of the individuals who adapt to it is to be expected. That there should have been a characterological change of some kind in western society during the past two generations occasions no surprise, nor should it. For the conditions of life have, during that time, undergone such radical alteration that it would be a greater mystery if no corresponding change in character had occurred. We know this in the same way we know that the Norman conquerors, the imperial Romans, the fabled Babylonians, and the stone age men must have been characterologically different, each from the others and each from ourselves. Since evolution has been intrinsic to culture for as long as we have any knowledge of culture, character, also, must always have been in a process of change.

Radical changes in the circumstances of life may befall man, as the several ice ages doubtless brought about different ways of life for peoples of the northern hemisphere. Such changes have, in the period of recorded history, become progressively less important: the changes brought about by man himself have provided the major problems of adaptation. It is the nature and continuity of these changes that are in question here.

The Institutional Process and the Instrumental Process

It is not possible to view the life of man apart from culture; for there is no man whose life has not been shaped from birth to death by its cultural matrix. An approximation of the life of man without culture is afforded by those animals most closely related to man. Their lives consist of being born, eating, sleeping, playing, fighting, mating, procuring food, caring for young, and dying. All of these activities continue in the life of man, and are the life process for him as they are for other species. But in man-even the most primitive man-these activities are shaped by two superimposed modes of action which are distinctively human. These are the use of tools and the creation of myths. Culture is the product of these modes, and the distinction between them establishes the concepts with which culture may be analyzed and understood. These concepts were first indicated by Veblen, and have been elaborated and clarified by Dewey and Ayres. They are the instrumental process and the institutional process. Each of them encompasses a vast range of phenomena, yet they bear a precise meaning.

The instrumental process designates those activities dominated by an attitude which, if put in words, would be somewhat as follows: “Let us first examine the facts, and draw only such conclusions as the facts warrant. If no conclusion is warranted but some conclusion is necessary-since life does not wait on certainty-then let us hold the conclusion tentative and revise it as new evidence is gathered.” Scientific method, therefore, approximates the essence of the matter; but the instrumental process is a larger concept. The origin of scientific method falls within recorded history, but the instrumental process is as old as man. It was a momentous event in this process when one of our remote forebears discovered by accident that fire can be maintained indefinitely by adding dry wood; but few persons would care to label this as science. The continuum of tools extends unbroken from the first flint knife to the latest atom-smasher, and this continuum is at the very heart of the concept; but, again, the instrumental process designates something more. Technology is usually taken to mean material artifacts, but the discovery and use of conceptual tools is an essential part of the instrumental process. It includes the differential calculus as well as the flying machine, the diatonic scale as well as the microscope. It includes, also, art, both fine and applied. For art, as all artists know, is a problem solving activity in which answers are achieved by taking pains, not by revelation from on high or seizure by a muse. This is not to deny the existence or importance of chance insight or inspiration, either scientific or artistic; but chance, as Claude Bernard has remarked, favors the prepared mind. The authority of the instrumental process is rational, deriving from its demonstrable usefulness to the life process. The final appeal is to the evidence.

The institutional process designates all those activities which are dominated by the quest for certainty. Everything mundane is subject to change, and hence certainty is not to be found in the affairs of men. The searcher arrives at his goal, therefore, in a realm of being super ordinate to man. Solomon put it succinctly: “Trust in the Lord with all thine heart; and lean not unto thine own understanding.” Religion conveys the essence, but the institutional process is of greater scope. Religion was a relatively late development in the institutional process, as scientific method was a relatively late development in the instrumental process. Far older are animism and the alleged omnipotence of thought, which is magic. With these go rites, taboos, mores, and ceremonial compulsions. All of these belong to the institutional process and are part of a continuum which includes kingship, status, and the coercive power systems of such modern institutions as private property and the sovereign state. The authority of the institutional process is arbitrary; the final appeal is to force.

The instrumental process is bound to reality. Facts are facts, it seems to say. Ignoring them is of no avail. One doesn’t have to like them, but he who would gratify his needs and secure himself from peril had better take them into account. Reality can be altered, particularly if it is closely observed. Indeed, the better one understands it and the more tools one has to deal with it, the more radically it can be changed. But it’s there, for better or for worse, and the only way to make it better is to attend to it. The instrumental process is generally disparaged as mere problem-solving; for the security it creates, though real, is limited.

The institutional process is bound to human desire and fear. Wishing will make it so, it seems to say. It is unbearable that no one should care; so there must exist a heavenly Father who loves us. Activities of the institutional process do not, objectively, gratify any need or guard against any danger; incantation does not cause rain to fall or game to be plentiful. But such activities may engender a subjective sense of security, and this has always been a fact to be reckoned with-and, indeed, to be exploited. Honor and prestige accrue to the institutional process; for the security it creates, though illusory, is unlimited.
.
.
.
.
Social Character and the Instrumental Process

Change in social character is to be related to change in the conditions of life; and change in the conditions of life is to be traced to the instrumental process. If these propositions are true, the emergent social character and the problem of identity must in some way correspond to the emergent consequences of the instrumental process. The nature of this correspondence, however, is not immediately clear. For social character is not fashioned out of the primary impact of technological change. Character is not molded by gadgets. New industrial procedures and scientific concepts do not directly alter personality.

The immediate causes of the characterological change are to be found in the secondary effects of technological change: the loss of the eternal verities and the fixed order, the weakening of traditions and institutions, the shifting values, the altered patterns of personal relationships. These changes directly mold character, and these changes occur with a continuity that is traceable to the continuity of the instrumental process.

Yet the belief that social character was formerly fixed and stable contains at least two elements of truth. The first of these is that character is now changing faster than it did in the past, a difference in rate that is easily mistaken for a difference in state. The second is that, during most of human history, change in the character of a people has proceeded so slowly as to be imperceptible during its occurrence. What is new is not the fact that social character is changing; this has always been in process. What is new is its occurrence at a more rapid rate than ever before and, thereby, our awareness of the change as it is taking place.

Chapter IV
Emergent Social Character
.
.
.
.
Emergent social tasks are everywhere at hand, and the great social tasks of the past are still unfinished. Rousseau’s stinging challenge, “Man is born free, and everywhere he is in chains,” retains some pertinence for us after two hundred years. The old verities are still available, but may be found in libraries more readily than in the hearts of living men. They provide no answer for the man of today, and so make no valid claim on his allegiance. The religion of his parents has lost all meaning for him; the Marxism of his youth has become fatuous as well as dangerous. His grandfather was determined to blaze a trail, to become rich, to build a railroad, or to create a farm out of the wilderness. The grandson is not very interested in these things, or in their modern equivalents. He has become weary and skeptical. He is not seeking some new value; it is not novelty he needs, but durability. He is a seeker after something that will provide what values and goals have always provided; but he wants it to be different in kind. For values, he feels, cannot be made to stay. Their change is forced by a changing world, and he wants something that will last. But what can substitute for values except other values? What can function as goals except other goals? And on what basis could any possible value or goal be exempt from the engulfing flux?

There is, indeed, no escape from values and goals, or from their vulnerability. There is nothing different in kind but same in function. The effort to diminish the stress occasioned by accelerating change cannot eliminate goals and values. It can, however, force them to become subjective. One abandons the tasks of the world and bends one’s efforts upon one’s self. One gives up hope of changing the world and resigns one’s self to the alteration only of one’s reactions. This is the current guise of defeat. One seeks adjustment, a flexible personality, warm interpersonal relationships; and most particularly one cultivates an increasingly sensitive awareness of one’s inner life and conflicts. But the energies of man drive for discharge; the direction of flow is outward. The cultivation only of one’s self can command but a small fraction of one’s potential motivation. The larger part remains dammed up, a reservoir of restless discontent.

Homogeneity, Heterogeneity, and Conformity
.
.
.
.
Today the village society has been replaced by the mass society. However small the town in which one lives, one’s world is nevertheless expanded. Being exposed to heterogeneous manners, customs, and morals, their relativity can no longer be ignored. Eternal verities become mores. The way of life comes to be but one way among many. A fixed order of final truth has become a relative order of expedient truth. One conforms to some segment of this relative order, but conformity yields diminished security. The approval of others becomes essential. The perceived relativity of mores has diminished their experienced value.

Conformity may not have changed in degree, but our awareness of it has increased, and this entails a change in quality. Formerly it was not experienced as conformity at all, but rather as adherence to principle. One did not “conform” to the right way of life; one rather “elected” -proudly and with “free” will-to be honorable and upright. These categories did not appear to be defined by mores, but by divine revelation or self-evident truth. Today conformity is experienced more largely as such-namely, as adherence to custom. The change detracts from self-esteem as well as from security. Conformity to Southern Methodism was apt to yield a sense of righteousness; conformity to the avant garde is apt to yield a lurking sense of opportunism.

The change from coherent to conflicting mores accounts in large measure for the extended awareness of one’s self and of others that is characteristic of the emergent social character. In a homogeneous society those motivations which run counter to mores are more apt to be excluded from individual awareness-as deviant sexual impulses were more apt to be repressed in Victorian society. In a heterogeneous society such repression is less likely. Not one way of life is offered, but many-and many of them incompatible. One conforms to those patterns which seem most appropriate, but continues to be exposed to diverse other influences. The mores that seem alien appeal to repressed motivations and facilitate the emergence of these motivations into consciousness.

This same change accounts, also, for the fact that it is be coming rare to value any belief more than life. To be willing to die for a belief means to be unable to conceive of an acceptable life outside the framework of that belief. The pluralistic and heterogeneous quality of present-day experience undermines such exclusive beliefs; for such a variety of values, standards, and ways of life are presented that no one of them seems indispensable. One can conceive of a tolerable life outside the framework of any ideology, and so is unwilling to die for any of them. In a mass movement, however, homogeneity may again be achieved, at least temporarily. The ideology may define the only acceptable life, and martyrdom again becomes possible.
.
.
.
.
Retreat from Reason
.
.
.
.
Clearly it is not reason that has failed. What has failed as it has always failed, in all of its thousand forms-is the attempt to achieve certainty, to reach an absolute, to bind the course of human events to a final end. Reason cannot serve such a purpose and yet remain reason. By its nature it must be free to perceive emergent problems and meet them with new solutions. It is not reason that has promised to eliminate risk in human undertakings; it is the emotional needs of men, fastening onto the products of reason, which have made such promises. The vision of a state of universal peace and happiness, to be achieved by reason, is quite transparently the same old heavenly city which was to have been reached by faith and repentance. The reason of the Enlightenment was, as Carl Becker has shown, a new religion. Natural law became a synonym for divine providence; the regularity of the universe was equivalent to the goodness of God; and the pursuit of truth was the new guise for the search for salvation. When a religion is built with the products of science it functions as does any other religion: it erects absolute truth as a dyke against the encompassing tides of change, risk, and uncertainty. Eventually such dykes crumble. In our time of quickened and rising tides they crumble faster than ever.

Adaptation to Change

Truth is hard to get in a net of words: some part of it slips through, or else one gets so much else besides that one cannot see truth whole and uncluttered. The view of life as change and flow appears at variance with the tragic view which finds the essentials of man’s condition to be unchanging. “The thing that hath been, it is that which shall be; and that which is done is that which shall be done: and there is no new thing under the sun.” The awareness of mortality and of yearnings that would reach beyond death-this has always been man’s fate. Grief and greed desire and hate-these remain the same. To be born, to work, to suffer, to have fleeting joys, to die-these do not change.

The light of eternity does not illumine the temporal; by definition it reflects only the eternal. In this essay life is viewed in the light of every day, a level of abstraction at which the data assume a temporal and changing aspect. These two views do not conflict, do not contend for the same truth. One need not, and cannot, choose between them. They formulate distinct levels of experience.

The continuity of acceleration in the rate of cultural change is the clue to the emergent social character. The character corresponds to the rate that has now been reached. Now, for perhaps the first time in his life on earth, man is obliged to adjust, not simply to changed conditions, but to change itself. In the past he had to give up the old and adapt to the new; now he must adapt, also, to the certain knowledge that the new, with unprecedented rapidity, is being replaced by that which is to follow. Before he becomes fully acquainted with the emerging circumstances of life he is distracted by the moving shadows of their unknown successors. As a modern aircraft may be obsolete by the time it comes off the production line, so the conditions of man’s life begin to pass away before he has fairly come to grips with them.
.
.
.
.
Chapter VI
Value

.
.
.
.
The Social Basis of Value

The meaning of the instrumental process is clear: it provides for man’s wants and secures him against danger. But the meaning of the institutional process is obscure. Dewey considers it to be a response to the same circumstances which call forth the instrumental process. It is, he suggests, simply one of the two methods of “dealing with the serious perils of life.” Ayres doubts that the institutional process was ever meant to protect man from the hazards of nature, but regards it as having been designed and used, from the very beginning, for exploitation -to invoke fear and seize power, to create status, to exert coercion, and to exact tribute.

While these views are divergent as to the primary meaning of the institutional process, both designate actual uses to which it is put. For much of magic and superstition explicitly claims to ward off danger; and, likewise, these same myths have been used to exploit. It is possible, however, that, while the institutional process is used in both of these ways, neither of these uses accounts for its existence nor states its essential relevance to the condition of man.

The institutional process is the response of man to alienation and to mortality. As man becomes aware of himself as apart from his environment and as separate from his fellow men, the original oneness of life with its matrix is lost. To be aware of the separateness of self is to be aware of one’s insignificance and helplessness, and this entails the knowledge that one will die. A modern rifle fells any beast, penicillin destroys microscopic assailants, but death remains. Eventually nothing avails against it, for it is not a misfortune but inevitability.

The manhood of man depends upon his alienation and his awareness of mortality. Without them he would be less than human; for they are the perils, not of nature, but of the human condition. Against them the instrumental process is powerless. Indeed, the progress of the arts and sciences has been accompanied by increasing alienation and an ever-clearer awareness of mortality. To these aspects of the human condition, unamenable to instrumental solution, the institutional process is addressed.

Animism replaces the indifferent and inanimate universe with one peopled with human spirits and activated by human intentions. Magic replaces the helplessness of man with the omnipotence of God. All institutions assert a collectivity super ordinate to the individual, a larger unity of which the individual is a part, to which he owes allegiance, and from which he gains a sense of security. This is most particularly true of religions. “The idea of society,” wrote Durkheim, “is the soul of religion.” In religion, alienation is denied by a theory which makes us all children of God. It is denied in practice by ritual and ceremony, collectively performed, which assert in action the inclusion of the individual in a larger unity. In these ways the separateness of self is replaced by the brotherhood of man. The plain fact of death is declared to be an illusion: what appears as death is but the transition to larger living. In such ways the institutional process, in all of its various forms, ministers to the alienation of man and to his fear of dying. In so doing, incidentally, it creates the conditions for exploitation and bondage; for men have generally been willing, and even eager, to enslave themselves to any institution which promises solace on these scores.

The idea of society is equally intrinsic to the instrumental process. The scientist working alone in his laboratory is dependent upon the scientific findings of his predecessors, upon the craftsmen who produce the equipment and materials he uses, upon the publishers who make known his findings, and upon his colleagues who test them. Except for the society of which it is a part, his work would have no meaning; it would not, in fact, be possible. The same is true of the watchmaker working at his craft and of the writer constructing a novel. Any individual instance of instrumental activity is possible only by virtue of the instrumentally functioning society of which the individual effort is a part. Neither the instrumental process nor the institutional process could exist upon the basis of a collection of isolated individuals, however numerous. Both equally presuppose the existence of an organic society.

There is a difference, however, in the way in which they make reference to social unity. The instrumental process takes it for granted; the institutional process makes it a gospel. Continuously and tirelessly institutions assert the existence of a social reality super ordinate to the individual declare that this social entity alone has meaning, and that an individual life acquires significance only by virtue of the individual’s finding his place and identity in this larger whole. Nor are institutions content with assertions. The idea is given tangible existence in repeated collective actions–ritual, ceremony, rite, and sacrament. It comes about, therefore, that the idea of the social organism as the locus of meaning and authority seems to be the unique creation of the institutional process.

The meaning of life-for most persons, in all ages-has been expressed in social terms. One’s individual life is seen to have significance by virtue of its participation in a larger whole the significance of which is guaranteed by the institutional process. The “meaning of life” has had an infinite variety of referents, but throughout the ages these referents have all fallen within the institutional process. A meaningful life for a monarchist is to be one of the king’s men; for a Christian, to be one of God’s children; for a Marxist, to fight at the barricades.

As institutional values are undermined, therefore, the meaning of life appears to be lost. The alienated person finds little significance in his isolated life. He may, indeed, doubt that it is worth while even to continue living. Institutional patterns proclaim themselves to be the very foundation of social unity, and as these patterns are destroyed the idea of society is lost. The individual may then no longer recognize the existence of society as an organism which has meaning and authority. He is thrown back on his own resources, becomes himself the referent of meaning and value.

But what meaning and value can then be found? A single life is framed by birth and death; and how can an individual foregoing reference to anything beyond himself, integrate meaningfully the facts of his life with the fact of his inevitable death? It is the very nature of protoplasm to rebel against it. For the alienated man, death is the final defeat which casts an ironic shadow over whatever minor victories may precede it.

From a cosmic point of view-a hypothetical consciousness which takes all of space and time as its referent-the entire life of man on this planet is meaningless, being but as a season of locusts; the social point of view appears to have been invalidated by the fall of institutional absolutes; and from an individual point of view life is absurd. There is no meaning beyond mere existence, and even the abstention from suicide is difficult to justify. One may commit one’s life to passion or violence or conquest, but this too is absurd; and even the dignity and courage with which one may face death is absurd. There is no escape from the absurd for the man who foregoes illusions and sees life clearly. This is the position at which the existentialists arrive and which is stated most movingly by Camus.

With this position the argument of this book takes issue. For though the idea of society is the soul of the institutional process, it is the very essence, also, of the instrumental process. The fall of institutional patterns, therefore, does not preclude value and meaning at the social level. It is only because histories record primarily the vicissitudes of institutional conflict that the life of man on earth is a chaotic story of foolishness and destruction. Divested of all institutional patterns, the life of man would portray the organic unity of the instrumental process, the continuity of arts and of technology. This process is one of increasing knowledge and control. It has no terminus, but it has direction; and this direction is away from ignorance, superstition, cruelty, and helplessness. Individual life has value and meaning by virtue of its participation in this process. The fact of death, in this view, is reconcilable with the activities of life; for a social process of which the individual was a part, to which he has contributed, and with which he can identify, survives his individual extinction. Indeed, without individual mortality the instrumental process could not exist. For if no one died, then soon no one could be born; and growth and development would pass from the experience of mankind. The progress of man is thus contingent upon the succession of generations.
.
.
.
.
The institutional solution to the value problem calls for the erection of a framework of belief that will remain stable while all else changes, that will provide a standard by which all things can be measured, a supreme value by which the value of everything else can be determined. But no value which is open to reconsideration and critical examination can be guaranteed to remain stable. Therefore, the proposed framework of belief must be secured against impulse and error by being placed beyond the realm of choice. It must be “for better or for worse, till death do us part.” The evidence of history and of our own time speaks against such a proposal-not simply because it is not desirable, but because it is not possible.

It is sometimes suggested that the answer lies in the opposite direction, in making institutions more pliable. All institutions resist change, but some are more rigid than others. It is likely, for example, that American democracy is more flexible than was the old French monarchy. The Christian church must have certain flexibility, or it could not have survived the stresses occasioned by Galileo, Luther, Darwin, and Freud. Without doubt a gain in flexibility may increase the life-span of an institution. But at times the instrumental process brings about situations which call, not for the modification, but for the abolition of an institution. This has happened to human sacrifice to gods, to slavery, and to countless other institutions. This is the rub in the proposal of greater institutional flexibility; for an institution can hardly be expected to be so flexible as to acquiesce to its own demise.

The instrumental solution calls for the elimination of all institutional coercions. Indeed, some instrumentalists seem to feel that the only good institutions are, like Indians, dead ones. But it is generally recognized now that when institutions are overthrown by force they are replaced, not by science, but by other institutions which may be more restrictive than those which were destroyed. Few persons, therefore, expect a scientific society to be established by revolution. But science, it is said, is winning the day, and may soon enable us to dispense altogether with myths and superstitions. This hope, too, is illusory. Man can give up his superstitions as soon as they are generally recognized as such, but there is no indication that he will ever lose altogether the potentiality for creating superstitions in the guise of self-evident truth.

There is no solution to the value problem that will settle the issue once and for all, no answer that will show the way to a condition of man which is free of conflict. We must settle for a path of progress, for progression as a process, for a direction rather than an end. The path of progress is clear. It is given by the instrumental process. It formulates no final goal; the mastery of one problem is followed simply by undertaking the next. But it defines a path that leads away from humbug and ignorance and exploitation and toward understanding, control, and freedom.

Another world war may yet force a retreat into the past, reinstating an older and more oppressive tyranny of institutions and mores. Unless we become too frightened we will not voluntarily take such a course, but will continue further along the path on which we have already come so far: giving up no ground that has already been won, but extending the application of scientific method to areas thus far out of reach.

Modern man cannot recapture an identity out of the past; for his old identity was not lost, but outgrown. Identity is not, therefore, to be found; it is to be created and achieved.

Chapter VII
The Vocational Hazards of Psychoanalysis

Career and Conflict

For some persons the choice of a career issues easily from the various inner and outer circumstances of their lives which have a bearing on the matter. For others, divided within and driven to find a vocation which will resolve an inner conflict, the choice is made with difficulty and is not elective. Often not one but many conflicts are involved. The more numerous the conflicts the more difficult the choice becomes, and the less likely that anyone career can resolve them all. The choice proves successful when the vocation makes possible a partial sublimated discharge of the impulses which are involved and a corresponding reduction in the warding-off activities of the ego.

It comes about at times, however, that the very conflict which has led one into a certain profession is aggravated by the practice of that profession. The vocation misleads. It proves to be different in practice from that which it was taken to be when viewed from the outside. The young man discovers only gradually that his vocation is not what he expected and, because of inner conflict, needed. A long time may elapse before he learns this, so long a time, in fact, that he may no longer be a young man, but at the mid-point of life and deeply committed. Indeed, he may never realize his mistake; for there are powerful forces opposed to such awareness if one has made certain crucial and irreversible decisions.

Many vocations are, in quality of experience, easily known: the nature of work in carpentry and chemistry, for example, may be correctly perceived by those whose acquaintance with these fields is relatively slight. There are a few vocations, however, which are truly knowable only after long experience. Those which mislead belong to this group. They have a quality which cannot be fully communicated in words. One has to find out for one’s self. The most painful states of inner turmoil, the severest tests of integrity, arise in those professions which have these combined characteristics: of being truly knowable only from within; and of offering promise, when viewed from without, of alleviation of inner conflict which promise is insidiously retracted by increasing proficiency in the field. Art is one such; the church is another; and, without implication that this completes the list, I suggest that psychoanalysis is a third.

Psychiatrists who have ministers as patients sometimes encounter personal undoing by professional experience and can retrospectively trace its development. The career decision of the minister is usually made in adolescence during the course of acute conflict of impulse with ego. This conflict is experienced as a struggle between good and evil and, other factors being propitious, eventuates in a call. The ministry offers unique advantages, the appeal of which is none the less strong by virtue of the advantages being perceived unconsciously. It offers partial vicarious gratification of impulse by bringing the minister into contact with evil in the sufferings of his parishioners. At the same time it promises to strengthen him against temptation. Religion having been, for him, the most effective curb on impulse, the active work of a minister may be expected to strengthen this curb. He will identify himself with the church, become the agent of God, assist others in combating evil in themselves, and so will gain added assurance of retaining control over the evil in himself. Such is the array of unconscious forces at the time of decision. For some persons this works out as planned; for others, for the hypothetical clergyman under consideration, the vocation belies its promise and matters gradually go awry.

His first parish experience is an eye-opener, an education more liberal by far than that offered by the seminary. Dealing with all manner of people in all kinds of circumstances, he finds that moral issues are insistently and perversely ambiguous. The line between good and evil will not stay clear. Black will not stay black, nor white white. He is puzzled and disturbed by the fog that settles over the once clear moral landscape. Being of a contemplative nature, his attempt to regain lost certainty takes the form, not only of prayer, but of further study and reflection. And, fortunately or diabolically, his profession provides ample time for just that. Over the course of years, along with exegetics and hermeneutics, he may also read Sumner and Dewey and Veblen and Russell; and rather than quelling his doubts, his reading feeds them. It comes about in time that he feels incompetent even to define such basic terms as right and wrong.

He may, of course, at any point in this development, call a halt. He may simply refuse to see anything further that is new and disturbing, and retreat with intransigent blindness into the nearest orthodoxy. Thereafter he will see black where he needs to see black, and white where he needs to see white. Intellectually and emotionally his development will have ended-the usual price of certainty. This may happen to any of US; many, indeed, who disdain such a solution will yet arrive at the same end, and quite totally without awareness. Psychoanalysts frequently describe one or another of their colleagues as rigid and dogmatic and authoritarian; yet no analyst ever so describes himself. The inescapable inference is that some of us have taken refuge in dogma without knowing that we have done so.

If the clergyman remains intellectually and emotionally open, his work may provide him with such insight as will force him eventually to relinquish belief in a personal God, in life after death, and in other of the absolutes which had guaranteed his security. In short, the very nature of his professional labors may undermine and finally destroy precisely those aspects of his profession which, by promising resolution of inner conflict, had drawn him into the profession in the first place. Sublimation may be lost and repression may fail, the old conflict erupting into consciousness. But it is no longer a conflict simply of impulse with ego. The minister is not now an adolescent, but a middle-aged man; and when he finds himself affirming from the pulpit propositions in which he no longer believes, he is faced with the loss of integrity and the onset of despair. What had seemed a stable adjustment has begun to crumble. Whether or not he can survey the damage, salvage those elements which are sound, and build a new structure of belief depends upon the courage, tenacity, and creative ability which he can mobilize to meet the crisis.
.
.
.
.
Impasse
.
.
.
.
Goaded by the falling value of his intellectual stock, he may make of his doubts a counter dogma and become a professional dissident, expending his creative potential in attacks on the orthodox. If unusually gifted and skillful, he may have the good fortune to be expelled from the ranks and thereby achieve martyrdom. If but a run of the mill deviant, this honor will be denied him. He will simply be ignored, left in the rancorous position of being a rebel of whom no one is afraid.

If he does not take this way out, he will wish he were an internist, a physicist, or a farmer. Any honest work would be better than this. He will think about getting out. Such a change in life-direction is easily made in one’s teens, but he is now in his forties and is deeply committed. The conflict in which he is engulfed is not simply the adolescent struggle of impulse with ego. The issue of integrity is involved. He knows that he is a complex person and suspects that any vocation would have presented him with comparable troubles. He cannot keep changing. Somewhere he must make a stand. The suffering of his patients is real; of this he has no doubt. Their need for help is real. His theory and technique may be phony, but the problem is not flimsy. The issues of neurosis are shadowy, but the adversary is formidable and the challenge is worthy.

He may have lost all of the tenets of his professional faith. At the nadir he may retain only the belief that it is possible for one person to help another. But from even this depth a come-back may be possible. It depends on his intelligence and creative ability; and it depends, also, on his courage, tenacity, and integrity. If he prevails, he will discover that much that he has discarded has value and can be salvaged. And when he takes up again some discarded element of technique or theory it will become more surely his own than it was at that prior time when he had accepted it so uncritically. Insight will never again appear to him as the irresistible instrument of personality change which once it seemed, but it will always be a useful tool to have near at hand. He may never achieve such comprehensive certainty as he had as a student. But this is all to the good. For if he insists on certainty, his skepticism will have been in vain; and he will achieve in the end-as did Descartes-a closed system of psychological absolutes which, though perhaps more acceptable to the temperament of the creator, embodies the worst faults of the system against which he rebelled. There is so much in experience that is contingent and mysterious that one has no business with a theory that strains at the absolute. A living science is more concerned with probing its unknowns than in praising its knowns, and he who cannot live with some fundamental uncertainties is not an investigator but a pilgrim.

Intimacy

For some persons the problem of intimacy is the principal determinant of the vocational choice of psychoanalysis. The conflict is between the tendencies that lead to closeness, and the fear that is evoked by closeness. The actions prompted by loneliness, by longing, and by the needs of sex, love, friendship, and sharing are curtailed by an anxiety that can be allayed only by estrangement. If the needs are met, one is vulnerable; if security is maintained, one is frustrated. The needs are common to all; the anxiety is a product of individual experience.

Perhaps no one is entirely free of this conflict. Some persons -those under consideration here-are host to a particularly virulent strain. Since the needs are normal, it is some expression of defense which signalizes the presence of the conflict. Aloofness, detachment, and isolation are common indications. Great intensity of this conflict may exist, however, without visible sign. To all outward appearances a person may be intimately engaged with others; no one save himself-and one or two others who have made unusually persistent efforts to reach him -may know that he is surrounded by an invisible wall and cannot be touched.

When the conflict is severe it exerts a profound effect on all aspects of living, including the choice of vocation. Often it leads to one or another of the simply solitary occupations: in this event the vocation does not resolve the conflict, but rather consolidates the defense, providing a justification for continuing isolation. At times, however, it leads to a career which offers promise of resolution. Art is one such. As an artist, it is assumed, one will be able to retain in all aspects of daily living the isolation necessary for one’s security; at the same time one will achieve, via one’s creations, a profound intimacy in which the deepest feelings of many people will be touched by one’s own, and will respond. So it must seem-dimly or quite unconsciously-to the young man who, for these reasons, is about to choose art as his life work.

The physician who is torn by this conflict and who elects to become a psychoanalyst is attempting a comparable solution. He will, it is assumed, achieve intimacy by hearing secrets none other can hear, not even a priest; for a priest cannot take so much time. He will enter hidden recesses of another life none other can enter; for no one else is possessed of such a sensitive technique. At the same time he will maintain the isolation he requires. Indeed, it seems to him that psychoanalysis not only permits but demands isolation. An analyst is not to become involved with his patients; very well, he will remain uninvolved. He will require his patients to lie down; he will sit, unseen, behind the couch. He will direct his patients to talk continuously; he will speak infrequently, and not on demand, but only at his own discretion. The conditions optimal for psychoanalysis appear to fit the conditions optimal for his personal security with a rare precision. A more fortunate concordance could hardly be imagined.
.
.
.
.

Healing Emotions: Conversations with the Dalai Lama on Mindfulness, Emotions, and Health – Daniel Goleman

Part Two
Biological Foundations

Chapter 3
The Body’s Self – Francisco Varela

.
.
.
.
The first question we ask about a system is: What is its organ? Like the components of the nervous system, the organs of the immune system are dispersed throughout the body. They include the thymus and bone marrow, the sources from which the system is constantly renewed; the spleen; and the lymphatic system, a network of tissue nodes connected by conduits through which the lymph fluid circulates.

The cells that constitute the immune system are called lymphocytes, or white blood cells, and are circulating all the time, unlike the fixed neurons of the nervous system. Most lymphocytes are produced in the bone marrow and therefore are called B-cells. Thymal cells, or T-cells, are produced in the thymus. Although fewer in number, the T -cells control the B-cells, like officers regulating soldiers.

The cells of the nervous system are distinguished by their shape and location. For instance, the neurons in the visual cortex are distinct from those in the hippocampus. Lymphocytes are not identified by location, since they circulate, but by their cell receptors. These are macromolecules on the cell’s surface that interact with the receptors of other cells as they circulate. The cell receptors are markers that enable us to identify a cell’s specific function, much as we can recognize a specific neuron in the brain.

Among these markers are the macromolecules called antibodies. B-cells are identified by unique antibodies, shared by as few as twenty or thirty other cells in the immune system. They are little families of B-cell clones producing identical antibodies that are markers, like a unique family name. In a normal immune system, there are about a 100 million different clone families circulating, each distinguishable by its unique antibodies. Imagine a large city of 100 million families, each with specific affinities to others, and all of them moving around. It’s quite complex.

Like other receptors on the surface of the cells, antibodies have a very specific shape that can bind with any of a variety of molecules whose shapes are complementary. As an analogy, if I cup my hand slightly, an apple or an orange would be able to enter that space and bind for a moment, but the same hand position would not be a good fit for a pen. A B-cell binds very quickly with any cell or bacterium, or anything floating in the blood with the specific molecular shape that fits. There is a very rapid exchange, back and forth, binding and unbinding. These interactions are a method of communication, just as neurons communicate by sending electrical impulses.

In the nervous system, the most important events are the activation and inhibition of neurons. Most of neuroscientific analysis focuses on measuring this relative amount of activity.There is an exact analogy in the activation or suppression of B-cells and T-cells in the immune system. Here, activation refers to the cells dividing so that the clone family increases in number. Suppression means a decrease in the number of clones as the cells die off.

The normal life span of a B-cell in a human is between one and two days, although some live slightly longer. This means that the system is renovated very rapidly on a vast scale. After a week or two, the lymphocytes have all been replaced. What remains, therefore, is a pattern: the kinds of clones and their degree of activation. This, of course, is unlike the brain, where by and large the neurons neither die nor reproduce.

There are still other important analogies between the nervous system and the immune system. The sense organs that relate the brain to the environment, such as the eyes and ears, have parallels in a number of lymph organs. These are distinct regions that act as sensing devices and interact with stimuli: for example, patches in the intestine that constantly relate to what you eat.

Likewise, both systems have effectors. In the nervous system, these are typically the muscles that contract to produce behavior, although there are also other types. The equivalent in the immune system is the maturation of B-cells, an effect that is very important to health. In maturation, a B-cell suddenly changes state and becomes a factory producing about two thousand antibodies per hour instead of the usual dozen. These antibodies are released into the bloodstream independent of any cells; this effect is what we know as an immune response.

The Body’s Self

We can now begin to look at a deeper analogy between the nervous system and the immune system. Just as the function of the nervous system takes on a cognitive identity, a sense of self, with its own memories, ideas, and tendencies, the body also has an identity or self with similar cognitive properties such as memory, learning, and expectations. This identity functions through the immune system.

The nervous system includes a number of simple mechanisms concerned with defending integrity. An animal avoids a painful stimulus; a driver turns the wheel to avoid a sudden collision. Biologists consider these emergency responses to be simple escape reflexes that happen at the lowest level of the nervous system, with very little sophistication. But the nervous system also has another side: all the emotion, imagination, desires, and memories that are part of ordinary life and are not concerned with urgent defense. There is a continuous inner life, an internal sense of identity, which is far more complex and interesting than simple escape reactions, and which involves most of the cortex.

In the immune system, we have exactly the same situation. The defensive aspects of the immune system respond to urgencies such as infection. For example, when bacteria enter the body, your immune system suddenly recognizes an unusual molecular entity. This recognition of an unfamiliar profile is a very simple cognitive operation. The B-cell clones that can bind to the bacteria start maturing and produce many, many antibodies. Each bacterium is completely surrounded by antibodies sticking to it, and is immediately washed away by fluids. This immune response is the basis of vaccines.

The outer-directed defenses have dominated the study of immunology for 100 years, and awareness of the inner or autonomous aspect is very new, unlike in the neurosciences. Most immunology today is still concerned with immune responses, and it is based on the so-called Clonal Selection Theory, clearly formulated by MacFarland Burnet in the 1950s. I don’t mean to imply that the immune response is not important. It is as necessary to life as are the neurological reflexes that propel one to run away from danger; but it would be silly to reduce our cognitive life to escape responses. Just as escaping danger and predators is only a small part of our cognitive life, we are often not confronted by serious infections. What happens to the immune system when there are
no immune responses taking place? What is its equivalent of the inner cognitive life?

Let me use an analogy to illustrate the answer. What is the nature of the identity of a nation? France, for example, has an identity, and it is not sitting in the office of Francois Mitterand. Obviously, if too much of a foreign entity invades the system, it will have outer-directed defense reactions. The army mounts a military response. However, it would be silly to say that the military response is the whole of French identity. What is the identity of France when there is no war? Communication creates this identity, the tissue of social life, as people meet each other and talk. It is the life beat of the country. You walk in the cities and see people in cafes, writing books, raising children, cooking-but most of all, talking. Something analogous happens in the immune system as we construct our bodily identity. Cells and tissues have an identity as a body because of the network of B-cells and T -cells constantly moving around, binding and unbinding, to every single molecular profile in your body. They also bind and unbind constantly among themselves. A large percent of a B-cell’s contacts are with other B-cells. Like a society, the cells build a tissue of mutual interaction, a functional network, as the work of several groups is showing. And it is through these mutual interactions, that lymphocytes are inhibited or expanded in clones, just as people get demoted or promoted, families expand or contract. This affirmation of a system’s identity, which is not a defensive reaction but a positive construction, is a kind of self-assertion. This is what constitutes our “self” on the molecular and cellular level (including genetic determinants and “self” markers).

An experimental illustration that will make this more clear. Antonio Coutinho and his colleagues at Pasteur Institute in Paris raised mice in a bubble environment with no risk of infection, where they are exposed to no antigens (external molecules) other than air and very simple food. If you apply the classical view of the immune system as purely defensive, you would expect the mice to have no defense system. But if you see the immune system as having a cognitive inner core as well as outer defenses, you would expect these antigen-free mice to have a normal immune system. The results of the experiment are 100 percent clear: you can hardly differentiate between the immune systems of these antigen-free mice and those of mice raised normally. Obviously, outside of the chamber they will die, just as if you raised a child in an environment with no challenges, it would not know how to escape from danger. However, you can hardly distinguish its nervous system from that of a normal child. If a bubble mouse is gradually acquainted with antigens, it will survive-all it lacks is learning, essentially.

The classical view holds that antibodies are, just as the name suggests, directed against something else. It wouldn’t make sense for them to bind to your own body. But in this alternative self-directed or network view of the immune system, dating back to the early seventies, from the work of Danish immunologist Niels Jerne, you would expect to find I-cells that can bind to every single molecular profile in the body. Just as for every aspect of French life-museums and libraries, cafes and pastries-there must be French people who deal with it. From the point of view of classical immunology, this is heresy. Paul Ehrlich, the founder of immunology, spoke of horror autotoxicus, the horror of responding to oneself. He saw the immune system as solely directed at invaders. The fact is, you do find antibodies to every single molecular profile in your body (cell membrane, muscle proteins, hormones, and so on). Instead of horror autotoxicus, there is a “know thyself” tendency between the immune system and the body. Through this distributed interdependence, a global balance is created, so that the molecules on my skin are in communication with the cells in my liver, because they are mutually affected via this circulating network of the immune system. From the perspective of network immunology, the immune system is nothing other than an enabler of the constant communication between every cell in your body, much as the neurons link distant places in the nervous system.

As I mentioned, the cells of the immune system die and are replaced roughly every two days, just as in a society people die after a number of years and children are constantly being born. Society in some complex way trains this pool of children to fill different roles. Similarly, the bone marrow is constantly producing what are known as infantile, or resting, B-cells. Some of these resting B-cells are recruited by the existing immune network and activated, or trained, to specific roles. This is how the system renews its components. Learning, or memory, happens because new cells are being “educated” into the system. The new cells are not identical to the old ones, but they fill the same role for the overall purpose of the emergent global picture.

The distinction between resting and active cells is important to the larger distinction between the outer-directed immune system, which is concerned with defenses, and the inner-directed immune system, which is concerned with molecular identity, or the assertion of the body’s self. There is a close parallel here with the peripheral and central nervous systems; we can call them the peripheral immune system and the central immune system. The central immune system consists mostly of activated lymphocytes, which are larger and have more receptors on their surfaces. The peripheral immune system consists mainly of resting lymphocytes, which have fewer molecular profiles on the surface. So the two systems are distinguished not just metaphorically, but by criteria that are concrete and can be seen experimentally.
.
.
.
.
Part Three
Skillful Means and Medicine
.
.
.
.
Chapter 7
Behavioural Medicine – Daniel Brown

.
.
.
.
Headaches: A Detailed Look at Treatment with Behavioral Medicine

About 60 percent of the people who come to our outpatient department come in with headaches; it’s our most frequent referral. There are three major kinds of headaches that we understand. The first has a strong biological basis to it, such as the headache that accompanies a tumor or an illness like the flu or other infection, or the headache that comes with a hangover. These are all examples of headaches caused by the release of chemicals in the body or by tissue changes. We can’t treat these headaches with behavioral medicine, but they constitute perhaps only 5 percent of all the cases that come to the clinics. The other two types are muscle tension headaches and vascular headaches. Muscle tension headaches, caused primarily by the contraction of muscles within the head, neck, and scalp, are the most common, accounting for about 85 percent of all headaches. Vascular headaches are caused by changes in the blood flow. Most people who come to our clinic have a mixture of muscle tension and vascular headaches, not just one or the other.

Treatment needs to involve both the factors that caused the headache and those that maintain it. Any of the types of stress mentioned earlier can cause headaches by producing changes in the muscle tension level and blood flow. People who have chronic headaches have certain bands of muscles in the head, neck, and scalp that remain contracted; the high levels of muscle tension are there all the time, even when they’re free of headaches. If they’re under stress, then a little bit more change causes perception of the pain. That muscle tissue is different from healthy muscle tissue. It’s much harder to the touch because it’s filled with fluid from a build-up of certain saccharides in the tissue.

There are also changes in the blood flow patterns of the vasomotor system. When a person is vulnerable to a vascular headache, like a migraine headache, there is a characteristic pattern of changes in the size of the blood vessels that goes along with the headache. First the blood vessels in the skin constrict, typically in response to some sort of stress. The constriction of the blood vessels in the skin is a prodrome, an early warning phase. For some people this constriction also extends to the cranial arteries and interferes with blood flow to the brain, causing changes in visual perception or even nausea. These early symptoms indicate a classic migraine headache. About twenty minutes to half an hour later, the cranial arteries expand. That’s the point at which the person starts to report the headache.

When the cranial arteries expand, a series of biochemical changes occurs. The platelets, which are cells floating in the bloodstream, stick together and then release catecholamines into the bloodstream and the tissue. These chemicals are part of the body’s stress-response cycle. They in turn release other chemicals that lower the pain threshold, so the person becomes more sensitive to the perception of pain. The tissue becomes inflamed; this is a sterile inflammatory response similar to the inflammation caused by bacterial infection. That’s why people who have vascular headaches have very intense pain that can last for hours and sometimes even several days. The release of these biochemicals makes the pain more intense and inflames the tissue.

Once the headache forms, there are a number of factors that can make it continue over time. For example, worrying about the headache itself can cause dysregulation of the autonomic nervous system, which causes the muscle and blood flow changes that set up the whole pattern. Headaches can be conditioned, so the whole pathway can happen without the stress. People who keep diaries in the first year that they have headaches can usually identify an event that causes the headache about 70 percent of the time. If those same people keep diaries five years later, they can only identify events that caused 30 percent of their headaches. Ten years later, they can identify causes for less than 10 percent. The whole physiological response pattern becomes conditioned, and all the changes occur with very little provocation from an external event. People who have had headaches for five or ten years say they don’t know what causes them any more, they just happen, and in fact they do. That’s why we have to appreciate the role of learning in understanding these headaches.

One of the first things we do with a headache patient is to have him or her keep a daily diary. We find that for any given patient with a headache, there are usually from four to six factors, some more important than others. After several weeks of monitoring, we can identify the risk pattern for that individual. Then we recommend changes in the factors associated with the headache.

They keep a headache diary on a series of cards with a picture of a head. They can color in or use numbers to indicate the area where they have a headache. It shows the hours of the day, and has a rating of headache intensity from no headache to a very severe headache. Each hour of the day they have to give a rating of how intense the headache is. The diary of one of my patients showed that when she woke up in the morning she had a very excruciating headache. It went down somewhat during the day, and then at night it came back.

If a person keeps a daily diary like this for several weeks, you can usually identify a pattern specific to that person, but it’s not the same for everybody. So for that one patient, for example,  there are certain high-risk times, morning and night. Then we have to ask, why is the pain worse in the morning and the evening and not during the day?

Dalai Lama : In this case, is the patient working?

Daniel Brown : The patient is working. This particular patient is a mother, a single parent with three children who has to work and take care of these kids.

Dalai Lama: So during the day her mind probably just gets distracted as she just thinks about other things? Would that account for a decrease in the headache?

Daniel Brown : We looked at this for several weeks: every time she has the pain, she’s getting her children dressed and off to school, or fixing them breakfast or dinner. Almost every day you see the same pattern, so we’ve identified a high risk situation. The pain is the worst whenever she’s worried about getting her kids settled.

Dalai Lama : How is she spending her time right there in the midpoint of the day when the headache is the least?

Daniel Brown: She’s working.

Dalai Lama : And not thinking about her children?

Daniel Brown : That’s right. We wondered just as Your Holiness is wondering about it: what is the pattern?

Examples of typical physical causes of headaches are certain foods, including foods high in nitrites, and a variety of environmental factors, such as cigarette smoke or exhaust fumes from cars. Caffeine causes constriction of the blood vessels, and alcohol causes expansion of the blood vessels. If people use a lot of caffeine or alcohol, or both in combination, which is common, the blood vessels are constantly changing size, so they get less stable over time. In this case the person’s behavior makes the headache worse. Hunger and fasting lower blood sugar levels, which can trigger headaches in some individuals. Hormonal changes around menstruation cause headaches for some women. Exercise can be a factor, also sometimes oversleep. When people lie awake in bed in the morning, their breathing gets very shallow, which reduces the amount of oxygenated blood going to the brain. This can trigger the blood flow changes because the blood vessels in the brain open more to adjust for this.

Some individuals are sensitive to changes in the cardiovascular system that are caused by repressing their anger. This is a factor only for about 20 percent of all people with vascular headaches. Headaches that have to do with emotions are much less common than we used to think. Medication abuse is another possibility. Ergot, derived from a common bread mold, is a medication that causes the blood vessels to constrict, so it is used to stop headaches caused by expansion of the cranial arteries. But people get worried about the headache coming on and take the medication unnecessarily, which makes the blood vessels less stable, so the very treatment then becomes the cause of the illness.

The next phase of the treatment is to identify the pattern of muscles where the spasm is, and for this we use an electromyograph. A muscle that is active or spasmed gives off much more electrical activity than one that is relaxed. We use a scanner, simply touching the electrode to the head and scalp, to get a reading of the muscle activity involved in a particular headache pattern for a given individual. We need an objective way of finding out exactly the muscles involved, because people often perceive referred pain at a point different from where the muscle tension is.

After we identify the pattern, then we use biofeedback. We put the electrodes on a particular muscle, and when its activity is above a certain level, the machine makes a blipping noise. When the spontaneous activity of the muscle drops below that level, the noise stops. We ask the person to make the machine be quiet, which is another way of saying to decrease the muscle activity. After the individual learns to do this, we repeat the process, setting the machine to give feedback at progressively lower levels of muscle activity. It usually takes five to ten sessions to learn to reduce a muscle’s activity to normal, and we develop an individualized program to address each muscle that’s high for an individual.

Treatment of Chronic Pain

One man came to our laboratory with chronic pain that was caused by an injury but had lasted for four or five years and prevented him from working. The reading we took of this muscle was five microvolts. When we asked him to make the machine be quiet, it jumped up to almost ten. This person didn’t have any idea how to relax. He was trying very hard, which made him less relaxed, and it got much worse. We explained that you can’t try to relax, that relaxation means calming both the body and the mind, and it’s something that you have to let happen rather than make happen.

With some instruction, he began to become calm, and in the same session he was able to drop the muscle level down to three microvolts, learning voluntary control. In the next biofeedback session, he was able to drop it down to about two microvolts, and it continued dropping as he learned. At first, the muscle activity was still high when he came in and dropped during the session, but then gradually the learning became generalized. By the seventh or eighth session, the muscle activity remained low during the week. We also had him keep a daily record of the pain, rating it from zero to five, and then we averaged the ratings for each week. The average for the first week was about four, which means very intense pain. It decreased steadily so that by the eighth week his pain estimate was generally very mild. There were times during the week where it was still very high or low, but on the average it was much less. As he taught the muscles to relax, the pain perception also dropped.

When he felt confident enough to go back to work, the muscle activity level and the pain both increased sharply, because the work was stressful for him. But he was able to generalize what he had learned and apply it to the new situation. Two sessions later, he had taught the muscle to remain relaxed even in a high-stress situation, and the pain readings went down again. At follow-up sessions after three months and six months, there was no high muscle activity. The pain was relatively mild and eventually disappeared.

So far I’ve talked about teaching the patient to gain control over muscle activity, but that’s only half the problem. We also have to teach control over the blood flow patterns of the vasomotor response. We use thermometers on your fingers for this, because skin temperature is a function of the size of the blood vessels. When the blood vessels are open, the increased flow of warm blood raises the skin temperature. When the blood vessels are constricted, the temperature drops. The temperature is also related to stress, which causes the blood vessels to constrict. When a person is relaxed, the blood vessels open and the temperature goes up, so the temperature reading provides feedback. We ask people to see if they can make their hands get warm. They visualize warming their hands over an imaginary flame or a hot stove, or they imagine being out in the warm sunshine. After three to five minutes, they open their eyes to see if they’ve changed the temperature.

Visceral Learning: The Importance of Practice

In visceral learning, teaching the body a new physiological habit, the magnitude of the change is not as important as the consistency of practice. For the body to learn a new habit, doing a little bit each day is better than making a big change and then not doing anything for a few days. So we have people take the thermometers home and practice six times a day for three to five minutes. By producing a change of only two degrees, they become skilled at gaining voluntary control over the blood flow pattern, using the mind to control the body. Once they get skilled at doing this with the thermometers on the fingers of both hands, we then tape them to the hand. Then we move them to the wrist, and eventually they can change the temperature of the entire lower arm by one or two degrees. Once they can do that at will, we tape the thermometers on the toes, which are much harder to do, and then the feet. Gradually they learn to change the temperature of larger and larger surface areas of the body. The more skillful they become, the greater the likelihood for improvement of their headaches, because they’re gaining control over the whole blood flow pattern. Since headache is caused by a local dysregulation of the blood flow, this puts things back into balance. On the average it takes about twenty weeks. Some people are much quicker and some are slower, but most people can learn this.

The next thing we teach people is diaphragmatic breathing exercises. They learn to breathe in and out slowly with the hands on the abdomen, using the expansion of the hands as feedback. When they do this regular breathing for about twenty minutes a day, it causes a rapid uptake of catecholamines. These are chemicals involved in the stress response cycle, so that the breathing actually helps prevent the build up of the very things that inflamed the tissue. While they’re doing the breathing exercise, they focus on the movement of the diaphragm. If they do the breathing exercises while they actually have the headache, it makes it worse. Also, if they are shallow breathers, that can sometimes make it worse, so they have to be carefully instructed in the breathing exercises. If they do them correctly, over time it works preventatively so that the headaches become less frequent and less intense.

Discovering the Sequence of Symptoms

The first part of the treatment is getting rid of bad physiological habits and teaching the body healthier responses, using the techniques of muscle relaxation, blood flow change, and breathing exercises. The next part of the treatment is to work with the acute headache while the symptoms are actually present. We try to identify the behavioral chain leading up to the headache. We ask the person to identify the earliest symptom before he or she actually feels the intense pain. Over time, people learn to identify earlier and earlier symptoms. For example, they might first feel a little funny; then ten minutes later, they notice some nausea and visual changes. Five or ten minutes after that, they realize a headache is coming on. There is a point of recognition, and then the negative thoughts begin: “Oh no, this is going to be the worst headache ever. Here we go again. There’s nothing I’m going to be able to do about it.” The negative thoughts make it much worse, and at this point they feel a lot of pain.

After we construct the behavioral chain of events, we have them work out healthy strategies to cope with each step. When they start feeling a little funny, they remind themselves to practice relaxation; calming themselves may prevent the headache from happening. If they notice changes in the visual field and also nausea, that’s a good time to practice with the thermometers to voluntarily change the blood flow before the headache builds up. If they notice the negative thoughts coming, they can cut them off by reminding themselves of positive, confident things.

Coping Strategies to Counteract the Sequence of Symptoms

Finally, they practice pain coping strategies. We teach people ways of attending that alter the actual perception of pain. We find that people are very different in their abilities to alter pain perception. There are essentially four different approaches, and what works for one person may not work for another. Some people can use avoidance: distracting themselves, fantasizing, thinking about something other than the pain, or focusing on outside events. Some people can alleviate the pain by imagining their hand getting numb, and then transferring the numbness to d:e location of the pain, like a visualization on lack of sensation. A third approach is to directly alter the perception of the pain, focusing on the pain and imagining it as a tingling sensation or warmth rather than pain. A fourth approach is mindfulness: to simply place the awareness fully on the pain until it shifts. We teach people whatever method works best for them, using a neutral pain that isn’t an area of conflict for them, rather than the headache. We create the pain by simply pinching, and then assess different pain-coping strategies. Most people find one or two of these strategies will work for them, and then we apply them to alter the pain as they’re actually having it.

An example of the results can be seen with the mother of three children who had the headaches in the morning and evening. She engaged in a daily practice of calming the body in general, doing breathing exercises, and working specifically with the muscles and blood flow in the head. But her pattern of headaches didn’t change very much until about twenty weeks later-to the point where she didn’t have any more headaches, after thirteen years of daily headaches. We followed up, and she did not have a headache for six years, until she got pregnant. The headaches came back then, but went away when she practiced, and she has not had a headache since.

Dalai Lama: Wonderful. It worked.

Daniel Brown : So, this is a strong example of the learning, but it takes time to teach the body better habits.

Reducing Hypertension with Behavioral Medicine

We also use this same approach for treating hypertension, or high blood pressure. We start first by having people keep a diary of their blood pressure, which they measure three times a day, as a baseline. The steps in the treatment are general calming, followed by warming exercises, which are the most important part of the treatment: the hands, up the entire arm, and then the feet, for about twenty weeks. Patients use simple thermometers to measure the warming. We also do the breathing exercises. The treatment is similar to that for head. aches because hypertension also has a lot to do with blood flow patterns.

One person came in with a systolic blood pressure of 180, which is high, and diastolic blood pressure of 100, also quite high. We wanted to get his diastolic pressure down from about 100 to about 80. When he started keeping a baseline for six weeks, there was a small drop in blood pressure simply as a result of observing it; the mindfulness already caused some change. At the end of the twentieth week of training, his diastolic blood pressure dropped from 100 to 82, and the systolic pressure also went down to about 150. Now 150 may seem high, but this is a 70-year-old.

Many of these patients are on medications already. During the treatment, we do not ask them to change their medications at first. For many patients, the effects of the drugs and the behavioral training eventually combine, dropping the blood pressure too quickly. They start getting symptoms of postural hypotension, getting dizzy when they sit up too quickly. At that point, we cut back the drugs and let them use the mind instead. Whenever the diastolic blood pressure drops below an average of eighty for two weeks, we cut the medications by 20 percent. If the pressure stays down, two weeks later we’ll cut the medications by another 20 percent. If it goes back up, we’ll adjust the medications again. About one-third of the patients can drop below the goal of eighty in a stable way with no medications. Another third can achieve this with a reduction of medication, and for another third this treatment doesn’t work.

I chose the next example of a hypertensive patient for the benefit of our wonderful translators this week. This particular patient is an interpreter who works in the court system. This is a very stressful situation. He has to translate very accurately because his words are recorded into the legal record, and he always worries about getting it just right. During the self-monitoring, we identified that translating in court was the most important trigger that made his blood pressure rise. We taught him to practice, and the diastolic and systolic pressure dropped as a result. When he reached the goal of eighty, we then asked him to take the thermometers into the courtroom and practice during the free time. From then on he recorded his blood pressure only in this high-stress situation. Gradually he became skillful at lowering his blood pressure even in this most stressful situation. He’s been able to generalize the learning to a new situation, applying the new habit not only in a calm state but also in a high-stress situation.

For the person who practices very inconsistently, often skipping a couple of days, the results are choppy. You can see a large difference if people practice regularly. The consistency of the change is more important than the magnitude. For the body to learn a new habit, doing a little bit each day is better than making a big change and then not doing anything for a few days.

The Treatment of Asthama

Asthma is a condition in which the smooth muscle tissue lining the air passages contracts in a spasm. The air is trapped inside the bronchial passages, so the person has difficulty breathing out. Asthma may be chronic or acute. In the chronic condition, some of the smaller branches of the airway passages contract. It varies over time, sometimes more, sometimes less, but a person who is vulnerable to asthma will have some degree of contraction much of the time.

An acute asthma attack is more than contraction of the small air passages. The main large air passage contracts and causes such an obstruction of the airflow that the person can’t breathe, and it becomes a crisis. When we treat asthma behaviorally, we consider both the chronic small air spasm as well as the acute condition. We begin, again, with self-monitoring, teaching people to be aware when their air passages are more contracted and when they’re less contracted. Most people perceive this poorly, so we use a device called a peak flow meter, which measures how much air you can force out with effort in a short amount of time. The peak flow meter is accurate but not very expensive, so people can take them home and keep a diary to monitor themselves. Again, for the first two or three weeks, we have them record a baseline. Many asthmatics show improvement already during this time. Because they start to recognize their own patterns, they don’t worry so much in anticipation of an asthma attack. As they learn to accurately perceive the symptoms, the awareness training itself already has a beneficial effect.

That’s the first step. Then we teach them relaxation and peak flow biofeedback. They use the peak flow meter while they do special breathing exercises, visualizing forcing the air out gently. If they try too hard the spasm increases, but if they’re in a very relaxed state, they may be able to find just the right amount of effort so the bronchial spasm decreases and the reading goes up. They can teach themselves a certain breathing technique, which is often very individualized. They’re teaching themselves voluntary control over the smooth muscle response. This doesn’t work for asthma related to allergy and inflammation, but it is very effective for asthma related to stress symptoms.
.
.
.
.
Part Five
The Nature of Awareness

Chapter 10
Mind, Brain, and Body in Dialogue
.
.
.
.
Dalai Lama: Isn’t it the case that when you go down to the most elementary level, to elementary particles, for example, that the elementary particles one finds in the human brain are indistinguishable from the elementary particles you find in stone?

Franscisco Varela: The same, up to atoms and molecules.

Dalai Lama : As you move from the elementary-particle level up through atoms, molecules, and so forth, at what level do you start speaking of the emergence of awareness?

Franscisco Varela: Your Holiness, there is no consensus in neuroscience even as to what awareness is.

Dalai Lama : Coming from the level of elementary particles on up, at what point do you find evidence for the presence of awareness?

Franscisco Varela: This is something people have done research on. Evidently, everybody accepts that humans have awareness.

Dalai Lama : When many particles join together, they become lifelike, don’t they? There are two categories, plants and animals, and both have life. But one category of organisms developed awareness, and the other did not. What’s the main cause for this, and at what stage does it occur?

Franscisco Varela: The classical answer, and I think a very good answer, is that cognition or awareness (whatever it may be) is an emergent property of a specific pattern, or aggregation, or systemic configuration, which requires a nervous system. It requires sensory and motor devices and interneurons. Plants never developed nervous systems, but animals did. The nervous system then evolved and created different capacities for cognition. At one point, something happened-that’s the big debate-that made humans aware. Most people would agree there is awareness and also compassion in some animals, such as the great apes or dolphins.

Dalai Lama : I feel your usage of the term awareness is a bit too lofty, because we all certainly agree that a lot of other animals are conscious in some sense of the term, maybe even going down to the hydra.

Franscisco Varela: Yes, but you cannot say they are conscious of themselves.

Dalai Lama : I’m not referring to consciousness of themselves, but rather awareness in any sense of the term. Animals are sentient beings in that they feel, they experience.

Franscisco Varela: I’m sorry. Whenever you use the word aware in the neuroscientific context, it has the connotation of self-awareness. You could use the term cognition or perception and everyone would agree that animals with nervous systems have a form of cognition. Many people would even say that unicellular animals like the ameba have a very primitive form of cognition.

Dalai Lama: But plants don’t?

Franscisco Varela: No. The main difference, Your Holiness, has to do with a sensorimotor correlation, so there must be some possibility of motion. In behavior, this is a key element that allows us to recognize cognition. Since amoebas can move around and search for their food, they are very different from a plant that receives it passively. Being able to move around creates the possibility of a nervous system. Beyond that, it’s difficult to say where it begins or ends. For example, the sum of the B- and T-cells could be said to have a very minor form of cognition, knowledge, and also stimulation.

Dalai Lama : So, when you were saying some scientists agree great apes also had awareness, you meant self awareness similar to humans.

Franscisco Varela: Yes, a form of self-reflection that might be similar to our own experience. This probably would not be the case for a cat, or less so, and even less for an ameba.

Emotions Triggered by Thoughts

Cliff Saron: Your Holiness, we’ve talked about internal causes and external causes of emotion, but what movement of mind specifically triggers an emotion?

Dalai Lama : It is difficult to say. One can ask first of all whether emotions exist in the mind of an arhat, a liberated being, or in a buddha who is free of all obscurations. If one includes things like loving kindness and compassion as emotions, then the answer has to be yes, those are present in the mind of a highly enlightened being. So you can’t say, for example, that egotism is a necessary cause in the arising of emotions, because enlightened beings don’t have egotism, but they do have emotion. A sense of self is not necessarily deluded, as egotism is, so enlightened beings may have a nondeluded sense of self. But it’s an open question whether that triggers emotion, or whether emotion is simply in the nature of awareness itself, or whether it’s triggered by the apprehension of a specific object.

There are different levels of consciousness. On the one hand, there is a level of consciousness that is very directly contingent on the body. For example, there are cases in which a physical dysfunction, such as an imbalance in the body, is the chief cause for mental distortion such as craving.

Now, if you look at sensory perception, Buddhist psychology speaks of three types of contributing causes, which together give rise to the continuum of sensory awareness. For example, in visual perception, the first cause, known as the dominant condition, is the physical visual faculty. Second, there’s the referential condition, which is the external stimulus. The third cause, called the immediate condition, is the immediately preceding event of clarity or the knowing quality in the sensory perception. This event of clarity also has its contributing causes, and its immediate cause is the preceding moment of perception. So, one of the three conditions is cognitive, this preceding moment of perception.

From experience, it’s certainly true that you can be sitting very quietly with no particular stimulus coming in, when a thought arises and causes you to be startled or jump, or have some kind of physical reaction. It seems that first of all there is a subjective cognitive event, which then acts as the cause for the physical, and not vice versa. Then, of course, it can also happen that activity within the body enhances that emotion, and it can also modify or change the emotion. It is common experience that awareness seems, by its nature, to be vacillating or fluctuating. It seems to be oscillating even faster than ten cycles per second. [laughter] Now, in meditation, the cultivation of mindfulness serves to contain one’s awareness and dampens the vacillations so the awareness or attention can become stable. If this is the case, it would seem that the very nature of awareness has been changed by freshly introducing this purely subjective mental means, namely the cultivation of mindfulness. It seems plausible that this in itself would also bring about changes in the brain and in the body as a whole.

Franscisco Varela: In that case, does the emotional state cause the vacillation in awareness?

Dalai Lama : In terms of causal sequence, you first of all have the basic contact, then you have the actual cognition, and this induces the emotion.

Franscisco Varela: So the emotion comes after the ascertainment. What about the situation when, for example, we suddenly hear a sound, a crack, and the attention changes? It seems we first have some kind of alert, panic, fear-an emotional state-and only after that, we realize that the roof is about to fall. Doesn’t the emotion precede the ascertainment in this case?

Dalai Lama : If you did a very precise momentary analysis, it seems you would find some cognition of something happening there. You hear an anomalous sound, even if you haven’t identified it as the roof collapsing, and this incites the emotion. Then comes the more detailed awareness of what’s going on. It’s a matter of complexity: you do apprehend the sound, but only later do you know what it might mean.

Franscisco Varela: How would you analyze the situation at the other extreme, when there is no particular event? You are just sitting there, or walking, when a change of mood occurs. All of a sudden you feel lonely, or maybe depressed, or happy, or whatever. What would be the contributing cause for that emotion shift?

Dalai Lama : It may be thoroughly internal, or it may be very subtly externally induced. On the one hand, we have accustomed ourselves to certain habits of conceptualization that build up predilections. So, even in the absence of any explicit external stimuli, the force of your previous habituation may give rise to a seemingly spontaneous shift of mood. Another possibility is that the environment may have some very subtle quality that arouses this emotion. It could be subtly pleasant or have some kind of faintly depressing quality to it, even though you may not consciously be aware of it.

On my first visit to Moscow, my mental function was very dull. Other Tibetan lamas who visited that area have described a similar experience of unprecedented emotion during their daily prayers. Of course, it might have been because breakfast was very late that morning. [laughter] But unfortunately in that area, there has been so much killing, so much negative human emotion. In that situation, even though there’s nothing manifest or evident that you’re conscious of, the effect can still be there. You can translate it roughly as gloom, but literally it means something that obscures, or veils, or clouds [Tib.: sgrib pa]. Likewise, Tibetan practitioners who remain in the mountains can usually predict when somebody is about to come, either the next day or later in the evening. This definitely happens, so there’s some influence from the environment, whether negative or positive, even though it’s not a conscious stimulus.

Daniel Brown : Some Western theories of emotion also talk about different levels of information processing.They may not agree on whether the cognition takes place on a pre attentive level, before it is conscious, or after conscious recognition when the thought is more elaborated. But there’s a common assumption, as in the Tibetan tradition, that there is always some cognition involved.

Daniel Goleman: A study done by Richard Davidson throws some light on repression and brain function. You know that the right side of the body is controlled by the left side of the brain, and vice versa. That’s true also for what you see, so if you divide what comes into each eye into a left side and right side, what comes into the right side goes to the left side of the brain and what comes into the left side goes to the right side of the brain. In this study, they used a device to show a word to one side of the brain or the other side. Words shown to the right side go into the left side of the brain, where the center that controls speech is located. On the right side of the brain, as Cliff told us, is the center for negative emotion. This means that if the word you see on the right side is upsetting to you, the information about what that word is goes first to the left side of the brain and then to the right, where the emotional reaction occurs. They were able to measure the exact time lag between activity on the left and right sides, and a very interesting thing happened. With a neutral word like glass there was no difference between the repressors and the other people. With a very disturbing word such as kill there was a noticeable increase for repressors in the time that information took to get across from one side to the other. This may mean that somewhere in the brain there’s something like a censor that says, “You can’t print that; you can’t know that.” So it may be true that repressors actually do not experience what they are denying.

Dalai Lama: What happens if you show that same word to the left side of the eye?

Cliff Saron: It would project from the left visual field to the right side of the brain. These were right-handed people whose speech apparatus is presumably controlled by regions of the left side of the brain, so in order for them to speak, the information would have to transfer from the right side to the left side.

Dalai Lama : How about a pleasant word? Is that the same as a neutral word in terms of the speed with which it goes from right to left?

Daniel Goleman: I don’t believe there were differences between pleasant words and neutral words. The finding of the study was that neutral words, when presented directly to the left side of the brain, produced a certain speed of response that was not different from that of pleasant words, but unpleasant words presented to the right side of the brain were slower than pleasant words.

Cliff Saron: The idea was that this censor decreased the transfer of negative emotional information from the right to the left side of the brain, where we are allowed to speak the response.

Daniel Goleman: I don’t know if we can say where the censor is located, if anywhere.

Cliff Saron: The test was a free-association test: you see a word and you have to say the first word that comes to your mind. The measurement that we’re taking is not an electrical measurement of the brain but of how long it takes to speak. It’s the reaction time.

Dalai Lama : For instance, if a neutral word is shown on your left, it goes to the right side.

Cliff Saron: That’s right. It will always take a little longer for a word that goes to the left visual field to be spoken.

Franscisco Varela: If there is always a reaction time, why should one speak of censorship? Strictly speaking, it would be more like a sluggishness than a censorship.

Cliff Saron: There’s a gate. It takes time to go over, or to lift it up.

Daniel Goleman: You could say there’s just more processing going on for unpleasant words than for pleasant words. We don’t exactly know more than that.

Bob Livingston: His Holiness may be interested to know that all of us have some degree of censorship operating on seeing words and pictures, and I’ll give two examples. A combination of words like hero and fame are seen very quickly, with a short reaction time. A combination like lady and slut takes about four times as long to read in milliseconds. This is true for all of us in a normal population. If you ask a person to identify what he or she sees in a picture, it makes a great difference whether it’s a pleasant picture or one that gives rise to negative feelings. If you show four pictures in a group and ask people to tell you as soon as they can identify any of them, they see the positive pictures very quickly. But it may take a whole second to be able to see a negative picture. This is an operation that occurs before awareness.

Daniel Goleman: Since you’re interested, I’ll tell you about another study. When you focus or look at something, the eye makes tiny little movements. Ophthalmologists have a device that allows them to track the eye’s movements exactly., without interfering with what you see. When people who were known to be very anxious looked at a picture that had both unpleasant and neutral sections, the eye would go only to the neutral area. It wouldn’t even look at the unpleasant area. When asked what was in the picture, they would describe all the pleasant things, but have no memory of the unpleasant things. We don’t know exactly how that happens, but it suggests again that prior to full awareness, part of the brain can know what’s going on and guide perception away from something unpleasant.

Dalai Lama : From a Buddhist point of view, the question would be whether the person hasn’t seen that image or cannot recall it. It might be that the person has visually seen it, but because he or she hasn’t paid enough attention to that particular section, the person hasn’t made the connection. So, at the sensory level, there is no judgment involved.

Daniel Goleman: This is the point. Sometimes it’s true that the person doesn’t see it at all. That’s what they could tell with this device. Other times they may see it, but they don’t recall it.

Dalai Lama : How can you tell the difference?

Jon Kabat-Zinn: In point of fact, the experiment is showing you that they do see it. If the eye-tracking movements did not censor, they would distribute over the whole field. In this case, you’re finding that these people’s eyes are selecting for the pleasant, which tells you they have to have seen it.

Daniel Goleman: That’s the next point.

Cliff Saron: There is a point of clarification I could make, Your Holiness. The device that’s used tracks the center of vision, the very small area of the clearest vision. But you also see information with your peripheral vision, which informs you very consciously not to move in that direction.

Sensory Perception and Consciousness

Franscisco Varela: It’s also fair to say there is an enormous amount of judgment made at what we call very low-level vision, even at the level of the eye or just the retina. For example, already in the retina you can determine where there is an edge and where there is none, before it’s a fully configured object, for example. You won’t know whether it is a glass or a microphone, but if there is an edge in your visual field, that is already an important decision made in a few milliseconds. That’s very important from the neuroscientific point of view. The building-up of the full visual field happens at many stages. What is low can be very elaborate, with a lot of judgment, construction, and interpretation involved, even way before awareness.

Dalai Lama : Before the information even reaches the brain?

Franscisco Varela: The image that goes out from the optic nerve is not the raw set of light that has come onto the retina. It’s already extremely textured and elaborated before it reaches the central brain.

Dalai Lama : But isn’t the position of modern neuroscience that it’s not actually the eye but the brain that sees?

Franscisco Varela: It is neither the brain nor the eye, but the fact that the two of them are working together. As much as there is activity going up from the eye to the brain, there is activity going down from brain out toward the senses. There is as much of what we call the central control of sensory afference as there is of the sensory afference that goes into the brain. It is the coming together of these two things that makes vision, so it is neither in the eye nor in the brain. It’s everywhere; it’s an emerging property.

Dalai Lama : The question is whether there is a possibility of judgment within visual perception, independent of mental perception. There seems to be some uncertainty as to whether this is asserted in the Prasangika system, which we regard as the most sophisticated philosophical system in Buddhism. What is certain, from the Prasangika perspective, is that the appearances to the various senses are already tainted by the influence or latent propensity of one’s previous ignorance, grasping onto existence as true. Appearances certainly do affect the various senses, and these senses are not mental awareness. But it remains an open question whether, in terms of their actual mode of apprehending objects, the various senses are in any way modified by judgment.

Franscisco Varela: The neuroscientific point of view would say, absolutely, that they are. When you touch your skin, for example, the activity of the receptor that feels is under direct control of the upper brain. The brain regulates what constitutes data. For a neuroscientist, what counts as information coming from the senses is always a two-way affair: both the impact of my finger, and the control of the receptor that interprets the impact. Even at that low level, beyond the point of sensory impact, there is an enormous amount of treatment of this activity.! For example, in the retina, what goes out from the optic nerve is not just the activity of the receptor. If we could compare images of receptor activity and nerve activity, the two would look very different. Edges and demarcations of textures and surfaces would already appear at this level.

Alan Wallace: Are you saying that even very primitive visual awareness is conditioned by previous experienced.

Franscisco Varela: Some low-level treatment is not even dependent on previous experience, it’s just wired in.

Cliff Saron: It’s a function of the way the cells are connected.

Franscisco Varela: For example, when you look at the optic nerve in the retina of a frog, you see activity that pertains only to things that count as flies. You don’t see these “fly detectors” in the retina of humans or monkeys.

Dalai Lama : If, for example, you’re suddenly burned, and the limb naturally contracts very rapidly, and pulls away from the source of heat, is this immediate reaction connected to the brain or is it not?

Franscisco Varela: Both are true. If the connection to the brain is cut and your leg is burned, it will still contract, because that’s a low-level reflex. It is also true that the low-level reflex is normally under modulation of the higher centers, so that if you are burned, the low-level reflex overrides the higher control. Afterward, the higher control can say, “You’re exaggerating, it wasn’t that bad.” There are levels of interdependence, and different levels are more important at different points on a continuum. Immediately on burning, the low-level reflex takes over; the higher centers take over in normal activity such as walking. At the opposite extreme of the continuum is the artist walking on a tightrope in a circus, who performs a creative act in using higher levels to resist the very strong tendencies of the low-level reflexes.

Whatever counts as a perception is not really localized, but is in fact a collective affair with everybody doing their part. That’s very important in neuroscience. By and large, the brain works as a distributive device. We speak about localization only because when you damage a location, you stop a function, and not because it works right there and only there. It’s a common mistake; the language we use to describe this reduces it to something that isn’t true.
.
.
.
.
Chapter 11
Subtleties of Consciousness
.
.
.
.
Brain Activity and Meditative States

Dalai Lama : Has there been any research done on [brain activity of] people who are practicing samatha, or meditative quiescence?

Daniel Goleman: There are not yet very good studies of brain activity during a state of one-pointed concentration. There are, however, some good studies of the effects of vipassana practice. In general, they find that the calming practices turn out to be very calming physiologically. The heart rate and breath rate slow down. The body’s metabolism slows down.

Daniel Brown: From the perspective of brain activity, we don’t know what happens to emotions during calming meditation practice. I have done some studies where people report verbally on their subjective sense of what happens. We devised questionnaires and looked at how people’s responses to the same questions changed over time as they gained experience with meditation. One of the things that clearly changes is the skill at attention and awareness. People find that despite internal changes in their state, they can still maintain a steadiness of awareness. The other thing that became very clear was that people developed flexibility; when they experienced some distraction, they could bring their mind back more easily. We found that emotions continued to occur. People reported the emotion with greater intensity, but let it remain in their awareness without reacting to it as much. We looked at the reactivity on two levels: on a gross level of evaluative thoughts, such as negative judgments about what was happening, and on the more subtle level of aversion and clinging. On both levels they had less reactivity, and yet the feeling was still very present in their awareness, often with even greater intensity. The subjects were skilled mediators from a Western perspective, but not with the level of experience that you would find represented in the Tibetan Buddhist tradition, where people meditate much more intensively over many more years. We don’t know what happens to emotions in people who are very advanced in meditation.

Daniel Goleman: In another study on concentration, it was found that when people concentrated very hard the brain became quieter, with less activity.

Dalai Lama: What about the case of people who are normally quite dull? Is it possible to do comparative research on the brain activity of people who are mentally dull and those who are very bright and have trained the mind to a very concentrated state?

Cliff Saron: There have been some studies of brain activity in experts who are extremely proficient at a particular task, as well as novices who are not very good at a task. The experiments show that the brain uses more energy in the case of novices, and for experts the brain seems to operate more efficiently in metabolic terms, measured as the amount of glucose the brain needs. But the whole idea of activity is a very complicated issue because of the tremendous complexity of the brain and the different ways the neural tissue can function.

Daniel Goleman: But there is a general principle that the skilled brain, whether it’s a meditator or chess player, uses less energy to do a better job.